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Cannabis is one of the most commonly used drugs in the world. Yet there’s still much we don’t know about it and what effects it has on the brain – including why cannabis triggers psychosis in some people who use the drug. But our recent study has just brought us closer to understanding the biological impact of high-potency cannabis use.

Published in the journal Molecular Psychiatry, our study demonstrates that high-potency cannabis leaves a distinct mark on DNA. We also found that these DNA changes were different in people experiencing their first episode of psychosis compared to users who’d never experienced psychosis. This suggests looking at how cannabis use modifies DNA could help identify those most at risk of developing psychosis.

The amount of THC (Delta-9_tetrahydrocannabinol), the main ingredient in cannabis that makes people feel “high”, has been steadily increasing since the 1990s in the UK and US. In Colorado, where the drug is legal, it’s possible to buy cannabis with 90% THC. While THC is one of over 144 other chemicals found in the cannabis plant, it’s the primary compound used to estimate the potency of cannabis.

Many studies have shown that the greater the THC concentration, the stronger the effects on the user. For example, research has found that people who use high-potency cannabis (with THC of 10% or more) daily are five times more likely to develop a psychotic disorder compared to people who have never used cannabis.

Psychotic disorders associated with daily use of high-potency cannabis often manifest through a range of symptoms. These can include auditory hallucinations (hearing voices that others cannot hear), delusions of persecution (feeling the target of a conspiracy without evidence) and paranoia (perceiving the environment as hostile and interpreting interactions suspiciously). These are all very distressing and disabling experiences.

Read more:
Cannabis: how it affects our cognition and psychology – new research

Our study aimed the explore the mark that current cannabis use leaves on the DNA. We also wanted to understand if this mark is specific to high-potency cannabis use – and if this might help to identify those users at greater risk of experiencing psychosis.

To do this, we examined the effects of cannabis use on an molecular process called DNA methylation. DNA methylation is a chemical process that regulates gene activity by turning genes on or off and controlling how genes are expressed without changing the structure of the DNA itself. DNA methylation is just one of the many mechanisms that regulate gene activity and are part of an important biological process known as epigenetics. Epigenetics underpin the interplay between our environment, the lifestyle choices we make (such as using cannabis or exercising) and our physical and mental health.

While previous studies have investigated the impact of lifetime cannabis use on DNA methylation, they haven’t explored what effect regular use of different cannabis potencies has on this process. Nor have they explored how this affects with people who have psychosis.

Our study combined data from two large first case-control studies: the Genetic and Psychosis study, which was conducted in south London, and the EU-GEI study, which included participants from England, France, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Brazil. Both of these studies collected data on people experiencing their first episode of psychosis and participants who had no health problems and represented the local population.

High-potency cannabis use alters DNA methylation in genes related to energy and immune system functions.
Oleksandrum/ Shutterstock

In total, we looked at 239 people who were experiencing their first episode of psychosis and 443 healthy volunteers. Around 65% of participants were male. Participants ranged in age 16-72. All participants provided information on their cannabis use, as well as DNA samples from their blood.

Around 38% of participants were using cannabis more than once a week. Of those who had used cannabis, the majority had been using high-potency cannabis more than once a week – and had started when they were around 16 years old.

Analyses of DNA methylation were then performed across multiple parts of the whole genome. The analysis took into account the potential impact of several biological and environmental confounders that may have affected the results – such as age, gender, ethnicity, tobacco smoking and the cellular makeup of each blood sample.

DNA signature

Our findings revealed that using high-potency cannabis alters DNA methylation – particularly in genes related to energy and immune system functions. This was true for participants who had used high-potency cannabis. However, people who had experienced psychosis had a different signature of alteration in their DNA.

These epigenetic changes show how external factors (like drug use) can alter how genes work. Very importantly, these changes were not explained by tobacco – which is usually mixed into joints by many cannabis users, and is known to alter DNA methylation.

This finding also highlights epigenetic changes as a potential link between high-potency cannabis and psychosis. DNA methylation, which bridges the gap between genetics and environmental factors, is a key mechanism that allows external influences (such as substance use) to impact gene activity. By studying epigenetic changes, researchers may be able to develop a greater understanding on how cannabis use – particularly high-potency types – can influence specific biological pathways. This may in turn help us understand why some cannabis users are at increased risk of psychosis.

We hope that our findings will help scientists to better understand how cannabis use can affect the body’s biology. Future research should now investigate whether the DNA methylation patterns associated with cannabis use can serve as biomarkers to identify users at higher risk of developing psychosis. This could lead to more targeted prevention strategies and inform safer cannabis use practices. Läs mer…

The Albanese government is giving 49 M1A1 Abrams tanks to Ukraine, despite earlier this year apparently playing down the prospect of the donation.

The latest Australian package is worth A$245 million. It brings the total Australian military aid to Ukraine since the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022 to A$1.3 billion, and overall Australian support to A$1.5 billion.

When asked about a possible gift of the tanks in February, Defence Minister Richard Marles said it was “not on the agenda”.

Government sources say donating the tanks required US approval since Australia had purchased them from Washington, so there had been a process to go through.

Minister for Defence Industry and Capability Delivery Pat Conroy, who is on his way to the NATO defence ministers meeting in Brussels, announced the decision in London. In Brussels, Conroy will meet with the Ukraine defence minister.

Australia, New Zealand, Japan and South Korea form the “Indo-Pacific Four” group of non-NATO countries attending the meeting.

The 49 tanks are near the end of their life, so a small number will have to be repaired before they are delivered. Alternatively, they could be used as spare parts if Ukraine wants them delivered more quickly. Ukraine will decide which option to pursue.

The Australian army is retaining a handful of the M1A1 Abrams to help the transition to the M1A2 fleet of tanks.

Conroy said: “We stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Ukraine in their fight against Russia’s illegal invasion. These tanks will deliver more firepower and mobility to the Ukrainian armed forces, and complement the support provided by our partners for Ukraine”. Läs mer…

Turkey has ramped up its partnership with Somalia in recent months. It is helping Somalia defend its waters, and has signed a deal to explore for oil and gas off the east African nation’s coast.

There have also been reports of advanced discussions to have Turkey set up a missile and rocket testing site in Somalia.

These agreements underscore Turkey’s strategic and economic aspirations in the broader Horn of Africa region.

Over the past four years, there has been a steady increase in Turkish partnerships and agreements for the export of defence-related products to the region. This has included the use of Turkish drones in conflict zones, such as Libya and Ethiopia.

I have studied Turkey’s historical and current involvement in Somalia to understand what’s driving Ankara’s policy in the Horn of Africa. In my view, Turkey’s involvement is driven by multiple factors. These include international status-seeking, regional balance and strategic concerns.

The opening of a training facility in Mogadishu has increased Turkey’s strategic depth in the Horn of Africa, projecting the country towards both sub-Saharan Africa and the Indian Ocean. And the use of Turkish drones in Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict has shown Turkish defence arrangements have become a factor in local dynamics.

Somalia’s appeal

Turkey’s interest in Somalia dates back to 2010-2011. At the time, Somalia was grappling with the devastating effects of 20 years of civil war, failed international interventions and the emergence of the al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab terror group. In addition, the country was devastated by a famine that claimed more than 250,000 lives.

Somalia presented Turkey with several opportunities to establish a footprint in a region of high geostrategic value, and to enhance its image in Africa and globally.

First, there was a lack of interest in the country from major international players. Apart from anti-piracy initiatives in the Gulf of Aden and the US focus on the war on terror, international players watched Somalia with a certain detachment.

Turkey saw an opportunity to benefit from taking a leading role in an international crisis scenario.

Read more:
Al-Shabaab is just a symptom of Somalia’s tragedy – the causes are still in place

Second, the world’s attention focused on the Arab world. The region was facing a wave of pro-democracy protests dubbed the Arab Spring. Somalia and the suffering of the Somali people were quickly forgotten by the international community.

Turkish policymakers saw the country’s isolation as an opportunity to gain international popularity and visibility on the continent.

Turkey took a multifaceted approach in Somalia. This encompassed humanitarian aid, diplomatic initiatives and economic investment. Turkey also supported state-building efforts and the reconstruction of Somalia’s security apparatus.

Internal dynamics

The financial and political resources that Turkey has invested in Somalia are driven by regional and domestic political considerations.

Regionally, 2016 to 2021 was a period of tension between Turkey, and Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Somalia and the competition for influence in its politics became one of the main areas of confrontation.

Domestically, Turkey has been able to portray its involvement in a way that’s boosted the ruling party’s standing. In addition, engagement in the Horn of Africa meets the demands of various business groups. This includes construction and defence companies that are close to the ruling political elite.

Intervention in Somalia plays an important role in the narrative of Turkish political elites associated with Turkey’s ruling party, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party).

The party is a conservative but non-confessional party with Islamist roots. A significant proportion of the party’s supporters consider voluntary charity (sadaqa) to be the duty of a good Muslim. As a result, Turkey’s foreign and domestic interests converged with the government’s policy to support crisis-stricken Muslim communities. This includes those in Somalia. Here, Turkey has framed its involvement as a political and humanitarian success story. The Turkish public views it as such.

Read more:
Turkey’s foray into Somalia is a huge success, but there are risks

Turkey has been able to bolster its security and defence ties at a rapid pace. The country’s Savunma Sanayii Başkanlığı (Defence Industry Agency of Turkey) reports directly to the president. Established as a state body in 1985, the agency gained prominence in 2017 when President Recep Tayyip Erdogan had it placed under the direct authority of the presidency.

This has made concluding defence agreements – a key factor of Ankara’s foreign policy – much faster.

Turkey has also used the opportunity to increase its involvement in the energy sector. Ankara has long aspired to play a pivotal role as a major energy hub in the wider region. It has considered establishing exploration operations off the coast of Somalia. Like all emerging powers, Turkey has a thirst for energy. This explains its July 2024 oil and gas exploration deal with Somalia.

Turning point

Ankara’s February 2024 defence agreement marked a significant turning point in Turkey-Somalia cooperation.

The agreement deepens defence ties between the two countries. Under the deal, Turkey has agreed to train and equip the Somali navy. It will also help patrol Somalia’s extensive 3,333-kilometre coastline. Turkey’s focus is on maritime activities. This is a strategic choice largely influenced by the unstable conditions in Somalia, where exerting control over territory is difficult.

Read more:
Red Sea politics: why Turkey is helping Somalia defend its waters

The deal is a response to changes in the regional landscape and the ongoing reconfiguration of power dynamics in the Horn of Africa.

This has included:

Somalia’s decision to pursue diplomatic ties and defence agreements with Turkey needs to be understood against this backdrop. Läs mer…

Unless the government pulls up its political socks, Anthony Albanese could find himself spending a good deal of time in his  spectacular new home, with its uninterrupted ocean views, sooner than he wishes.

This week’s Newspoll has the Coalition moving in front on a two-party basis for the first time, with Labor’s primary vote at 31%.

Albanese would hope for another full term as prime minister. But if Labor fell into minority government at next year’s election, there would likely be pressure before too long to replace him. He would not be seen as a good bet for the 2028 election.

If Peter Dutton pulled off a miracle win in a few months, Albanese could be regularly whale watching this time next year.

Since the PM’s purchase of the $4.3 million house at the wonderfully-named Copacabana, was revealed on Tuesday,  two narratives have contended.

Critics denounce Albanese as “tone deaf” in his timing during a housing affordability crisis.

It was more than awkward that just hours after the news broke, Albanese was appearing with minister Clare O’Neil in Queensland to make an announcement about  housing.

from Realestate.com, CC BY

The Copacabana house is a story made for that renter-in-perpetuity, Greens spokesman Max Chandler-Mather.

Dutton, who has bought and sold a few properties in his time, is careful with his words, knowing others will stir the outrage.

The alternative narrative is that Albanese, marrying for a second time next year, is entitled to a private life. This involves reordering his property arrangements ahead of a wedding.

Moreover, some observe, the criticism of him is the “politics of envy” or the “tall poppy syndrome”.

But there’s another narrative. Suddenly, Albanese’s story has become “all about him” again, as it regularly does when he reverts to talking about his humble origins.

Stressed voters could be forgiven for being impatient, or cynical about Albanese’s protestations this week that although he now has a good income, “I also know what it’s like to struggle”.

My mum lived in the one public housing that she was born in for all of her 65 years. And I know what it’s like, which is why I want to help all Australians into a home, whether it be public homes or private rentals or home ownership.

Unfairly or not, the house story will be read by some as a prime minister spending time on his own affairs.

Buying a house is a major and reasonably time-consuming process, unless it was outsourced it to partner, Jodie Haydon. The Central Coast was chosen because her family lives there.

The narrative can also be cast to look like Albanese is preparing for his post-political life while he is still the most important individual in politics.

Whether this is accurate becomes beside the point, in this era when perceptions can be paramount.

from Realestate.com, CC BY

Unsurprisingly, he was asked whether he planned to retire at the house. “I’m planning to be in my current job for a very long period of time,” he said.

In mid-1991 Bob Hawke purchased a property overlooking Sydney Harbour with a jetty and “stunning views”, and a price tag of $1.23 million.

Hawke’s leadership was already on the decline – by year’s end he was replaced by Paul Keating.

Apart from the bad publicity for Albanese, the house affair has taken a good deal of attention from what the government wanted to talk about, notably, what it’s doing to protect consumers and the like.

It has meant his ministerial colleagues are forced to defend him when they are confronted with awkward questions.

Energy Minister Chris Bowen tried to make the best fist of it that he could, when quizzed during an interview.

“Every Australian is entitled to buy and sell property. Now Anthony cops it when he sells the property. He cops it when he provides a rent holiday to his tenants. He cops it when he buys a property,” he said.

“I think most average Australians say, fair enough. You know, this is what aspiration is about, most average Australians say, well, you know, we all buy and sell properties.”

When you are in the public eye it is not, however, such an ordinary story.

By the way, when Albanese goes to the G20 in Rio de Janeiro next month, he can get to see the real Copacabana. Läs mer…

Queenslanders vote on October 26 when, according to the polls, the almost decade-long Labor government is expected to be defeated.

Last year, in a bid to improve its chances, Labor dumped long-time premier Annastacia Palaszczuk in favour of Steven Miles.

Miles has handed out or promised extensive and expensive cost-of-living support, including $1000 rebates on electricity bills, 50-cent fares, and now promising free school lunches.

But even all this seems to have failed to drastically change the mood in the electorate.

To discuss what’s happening on the ground, the potential outcome and what that could mean for the federal Labor government, we’re joined by the ABC’s election specialist, Antony Green and The Australian’s Queensland editor, Michael McKenna.

Green says:

The swing has shifted from being catastrophic to just being very bad.[…] the odds are the government’s going to lose.

All the government’s marginal seats are in the regions, in the regional cities in the north of the state. If it’s a 5 or 6% swing uniform, then all those regional city seats will be knocked out. And once they’ve lost a couple of seats in Brisbane’s belt as well, they’re out of government. So they’re in a very difficult position.

On what a poor result for the Labor party could mean federally, Green says:

Labor won the last federal election without doing well in Queensland – [there] was always a view that they couldn’t win an election without doing well in Queensland. They did well in WA instead. Can Labor do worse in Queensland at the next federal election? Well that’s a tough ask, it’s hard to see how. You would have to be back to the level of the defeat of the Whitlam government or the Keating government to do worse in Queensland, and I’m not sure that it’s that level of disaster for the Labor Party. I think there will be a lot of comment on that. But I mean this is a Queensland election and it’s fought on and very much based around sort of Queensland issues.

Michael McKenna says of the general mood:

I think for the first time in a few years, I’m seeing a real mood for change in government. Labor is seeking a fourth term on the trot. You can see it in the published polling, which for about the last two years has shown that Labor’s support is sliding and the Liberal National Party has the momentum. I think there’s a real ‘it’s time’ factor.

What we’ve seen is that Labor’s brand is still seemingly on the nose, particularly in the regions. And Steven Miles, […] he’s given a red hot go, but so far, I’m not seeing much evidence that he’s going to pull out a miracle win.

McKenna highlights Opposition Leader David Crisafulli’s strategy:

There’s no doubt that he has adopted a small target strategy to, in one way, focus people’s attention on the failings of a government which has a record of ten years, and there’s always going to be failings and things that are going to make people angry. But I would say that this is arguably the smallest of small target strategies that we’ve ever seen.

David Crisafulli really only wants to talk […] about the issues that he wants to talk about, and those are crime, particularly youth crime, cost of living, housing and health. But he doesn’t like to be pushed onto any other issues, and he’s done a good job in one sense in that he’s probably the most disciplined conservative party leader I’ve seen in decades in Queensland. Läs mer…

King Charles III and Queen Camilla’s upcoming visit to Australia is significant for several reasons. It is Charles’ first visit since ascending to the throne – as well as the first time a British male head of state has visited Australia.

Some observers are also wondering whether it might be one of the last royal tours, as debates about Australia potentially becoming a republic are reignited.

As the monarchy tries to “modernise” alongside growing support for republicanism, this visit will be one to watch.

The curse of the Antipodes?

As Prince of Wales, Charles had a long and successful track record of royal tours to Australia, having visited 16 times. The visits included a term attending Geelong Grammar School in 1966, as well as the 1983 tour with Princess Diana that saw Australians caught up in Di-mania – and Charles reportedly gripped by jealousy.

But Charles’ royal predecessors weren’t as lucky in their trips down under. His own grandfather, King George VI, planned to visit Australia in the late 1940s with Queen Elizabeth and Princess Margaret, but the tour was postponed due to his poor health. While he had previously visited as the Duke of York, George VI never made it here as king.

King George VI was born in 1895 and reigned from 1936 until his death in 1952.
Wikimedia

The very first royal visit to Australia – Prince Alfred’s 1867 tour – had all appearance of being cursed. One of his crew members drowned during the first stop in South Australia. Several more people died in a major fire accident and a Catholic-Protestant skirmish in Melbourne.

Most memorably – certainly for Alfred – was an assassination attempt on the prince in Sydney. This, interestingly, is an experience King Charles has also had.

Read more:
Royal visits to Australia can be disaster magnets. In the first one, the prince barely made it out alive

During Charles’ 1994 visit, student protester David Kang fired blanks from a starter pistol in protest of Australia’s treatment of Cambodian refugees. The then Prince of Wales wasn’t harmed and Kang went on to become a barrister.

For non-British royals, however, Sydney has been a lucky location. King Frederick X’s decidedly modern romance with Tasmania-born Queen Mary famously began when they met at a bar during the Sydney Olympics in 2000.

Prince or king – does it matter?

This will be Charles’ seventeenth visit to Australia, but his first as reigning monarch. This means he is visiting not on behalf of the head of state, but as the head of state.

The royal couple’s planned Australian engagements are as strategic as they are symbolic. They reflect carefully curated and ostensibly “non-political” issues such as environmental sustainability, cancer research and family violence.

The visit also includes a meeting with Indigenous representatives. Notably, it is the first royal tour to not use the term “walkabout” to describe public meet-and-greets, as this term had been criticised as cultural appropriation.

It seems Charles’ modernised monarchy is seeking to distance itself from overtly colonial language – as much as a foreign monarchy can, anyway. The king has yet to respond to Indigenous leaders calling for an apology for British colonisers’ genocides of First Nations peoples.

Read more:
Should King Charles apologise for the genocide of First Nations people when he visits Australia?

Although the Australian media has focused on the stops in Canberra and Sydney, the main purpose of the tour is for the king to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Samoa between October 21 and 26.

It is the first time the meeting will be hosted by a Pacific Island state. The talks are an important opportunity for the king to highlight issues such as climate change, to which small island states in the Pacific are particularly vulnerable.

The main purpose of the visit is for King Charles to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Samoa.
Adrian Dennis/AP

Are people happy about the visit?

All six state premiers have declined their invitations to meet the king at his welcome reception in Canberra, citing other commitments. Their excuses might be genuine in some cases. For example, Queensland Premier Steven Miles is in the last few weeks of an election campaign.

However, critics from the monarchist camp have viewed the move as a political response to debates over whether Australia should remain a constitutional monarchy with the king as its head of state.

A YouGov Australia poll published on the first anniversary of Charles’s ascension showed Australians are divided on republicanism. While 32% want to become a republic “as soon as possible”, 35% preferred to remain a constitutional monarchy and 12% wanted to become a republic after the king’s death. The remaining respondents didn’t know.

Notably, the poll found republican sentiment had increased since Queen Elizabeth II’s death in September 2022.

Republican sentiment in Australia has increased since Queen Elizabeth II’s death.
Frank Augstein/AP

The Albanese government established an assistant minister for the republic upon entering office in 2022 (although the portfolio was abolished with this year’s reshuffle). Upon taking the role, assistant minister Matt Thistlethwaite suggested the “twilight of [Queen Elizabeth’s] reign” presented “a good opportunity for a serious discussion about what comes next for Australia”.

Charles doesn’t seem to be taking all this too personally. In a letter responding to the Australian Republican Movement in March this year, his private secretary said the king viewed this as “a matter for the Australian public to decide”.

The royal tour and the meeting in Samoa will be important opportunities for the monarchy to connect with Australia and other Commonwealth nations.

By presenting itself as a modern institution engaged with contemporary issues such as climate change, the monarchy will also have to engage with the possibility of new political identities for its former colonies. Läs mer…

Qantas is being taken to Australia’s consumer regulator over its claim it is committed to achieving net zero emissions by 2050.

The Environmental Defenders Office and the advocacy group Climate Integrity say the claim is “not backed up by credible targets or substantiating strategies” making it potentially misleading and in breach of the Australian Consumer Law.

The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission has yet to decide whether to investigate the complaint, and Qantas has yet to respond.

The complaint follows a ruling by a Dutch Court earlier this year that the airline KLM had misled consumers by creating the false impression it was sustainable.

The win has spurred the European Commission to write to 20 airlines identifying potentially misleading claims and inviting them to bring their practices in line.

Of most concern to the European regulators are claims the carbon emissions caused by flights can be offset by climate projects and the use of sustainable fuels, to which the consumers can contribute by paying additional fees.

Carbon assurance assesses claims ahead of time

These kinds of complaints would be much easier for airlines (and other compnies) to deal with if they had submitted themselves to a process known as carbon assurance ahead of time.

Usually entered into voluntarily, and conducted by an independent assessor in accordance with an international standard, the process verifies the accuracy, transparency, and credibility of an organisation’s carbon emissions claims.

My own research with Linh Nguyen, just published in Finance Research Letters, finds firms with high carbon assurance scores are more likely to obtain more trade credit from their suppliers.

Europe and Australia are moving towards making carbon assurance mandatory for large corporations.

Few firms submit themselves to it

A survey by KPMG International finds that while nearly all of the world’s 250 largest firms report on the sustainability of their operations, only two-thirds submit themselves to carbon assurance.

Another survey of 5,183 companies from 42 countries that publish emissions data finds half don’t engage a carbon assuror.

This could be because they are afraid of what the assuror will find.

An international survey of 750 companies that sought some level of external assurance found just 14% received a reasonable assurance.

Many firms aren’t ready

Assessors are hard to find.
NattapongPunna/Shutterstock

Assurors, and the skills within the organisation to handle the process are hard to find. While international standards are in place, there isn’t yet a professional or regulatory body to certify assurors.

The Australian government intends to make assurance reports for the
Scope 1 and Scope 2 emissions of large firms mandatory from July 2026.

Scope 1 and scope 2 emissions are the direct and indirect emissions of the corporation itself.

The government intends to make Scope 3 emissions (those in other parts of the corporation’s supply and distribution chain) mandatory from July 2030.

It will be important to get the systems in place.

While what the firms report will matter a lot, what will matter almost as much is an assurance we can believe what they report. Läs mer…

Sydney’s popular Coogee beach has been closed until further notice after hundreds of strange black balls washed up on the shoreline.

The black balls were discovered on Tuesday afternoon.
Randwick City Council

The balls were discovered on Tuesday afternoon. The local authority, Randwick City Council, says samples have been collected for testing, and the incident has been reported to the Environment Protection Authority and Beachwatch NSW.

A council spokesperson said the debris may be “tar balls” formed when oil comes into contact with debris and water – typically the result of oil spills or seepage.

I am a senior research scientist at CSIRO, specialising in environmental toxicity. While the objects could be tar balls, in my view, it is also possible they are something else. But in any case, the debris poses a potential risk to marine life and the public, and authorities were right to close the beach.

Strange black balls washed up on the Coogee shoreline.
Steven Markham/AAP

What are tar balls?

Tar balls are typically dark, sticky blobs found on beaches after an oil spill. They occur when oil comes into contact with the ocean’s surface and becomes weathered by wind and waves. This breaks the oil patches into smaller pieces.

Tar balls usually form in a variety of shapes and sizes – ranging from big, flat pancakes to tiny spheres. The image below shows a typically irregular tar ball that washed up on an island in the United States.

Tarballs, such as this one found on Dauphin Island, Alabama, usually form in a variety of shapes and sizes.
NOAA

On this basis, I am not certain the pieces of debris found at Coogee are tar balls. They certainly might be. I haven’t seen them in person, but from the publicly available images, the objects appear to be relatively uniform, perfectly round shapes. That would be very unusual for tar balls – but not impossible.

The balls could be plastic debris washed off a container ship, such as squash balls or plastic used in manufacturing. But obviously, we have to wait until tests have been conducted on the objects before we can determine their origin and composition.

And finally, the balls appear to have washed up only at Coogee beach. It would be uncommon for oil spill remnants to drift to a single location unless the spill happened very close to shore.

What are the potential harms?

Whatever the objects are, they could pose a hazard to marine life.

If the objects are sticky or oily, they may coat animals that come into contact with them. An animal that ate the objects may also be harmed. The balls would be difficult to digest and might stay in the animal’s stomach for a long time, preventing it from eating other food.

If the objects are in fact tar balls, this is dangerous to animals because oil can be carcinogenic.

What should be done?

Every precaution should be taken until we know exactly what these mysterious objects are.

Authorities are doing the right thing in keeping people away from the beach as the cleanup and testing continue. The public should heed official advice not to enter the beach and especially, not to touch the spheres.

At this stage, it appears no other beach is affected, so there are plenty of other nearby options for beach-lovers.

In the meantime, we should let the forensic scientists and other experts do their job. Läs mer…

As humpback and southern right whales return to Antarctica at the tail end of their annual migration, east coast whale watchers may think the show will soon be over. But some whale species are still here, possibly year-round. And we need to find out more about them.

My team’s new research concerns one of these little-known species – the Bryde’s whale. You may have seen it feeding, breaching or surfing, without realising what it was.

My colleagues and I wanted to learn more about where Bryde’s whales can be found in Australian waters. So we tapped into observations shared on social media, including drone footage and photographs from whale-watching tours. We also gathered observations from scientists.

We discovered a wealth of information. It includes evidence of feeding and “surfing” behaviours possibly never documented before. Findings from this research will directly help inform conservation efforts to protect this species, which we still know so little about in Australian waters.

A Bryde’s whale rides the surf after feeding in shallow waters.
Taylor Arnell and Austin Ihle @takethemap

Observing whales through citizen science

Scientists can’t always be out in the field, or on the water. That’s why the data gathered by everyday people, known as “citizen scientists”, can be so useful. It captures valuable information about wildlife that can be used later by professional researchers.

Citizen science projects involving marine life have grown over recent years. They include people documenting humpback whale recovery by counting northward migrating humpback whales off Sydney, and people watching sharks off Bondi Beach via the @DroneSharkApp.

Hungry hungry whales

Like humpback whales, these giants are “baleen” whales, meaning they are toothless. But Bryde’s whales have a much pointier mouth and lack that famous hump.

A preference for warmer waters means Bryde’s whales are also known as tropical whales. They can be found in tropical or subtropical waters.

Around the world, Bryde’s whales have demonstrated interesting feeding behaviours, from high-speed seafloor chases to “pirouette feeding”.

Bryde’s whale in shallow waters near baitfish.
Taylor Arnell and Austin Ihle @takethemap.

Hanging out in shallow and deep waters

Our study documented Bryde’s whales feeding in both deep and shallow waters off the east coast of Australia, alone or sometimes with other whales.

We tapped into more than an hour of drone vision and more than 200 photos of Bryde’s whales shared by citizen scientists on social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and YouTube.

In offshore environments, Bryde’s whales were typically seen “side lunging” – where they propel themselves forward and turn onto their side then open their mouth to engulf their food. They also swam from below and scooped up their prey, much like humpback whales.

Lunging Bryde’s whale feeding on small baitfish in New South Wales waters.
Brett Dixon

In shallow waters, Bryde’s whales were observed feeding directly within or behind the surf break.

We believe this is a new feeding behaviour for this species. We call it “shallow water surf feeding”.

Whales may be using the surf to assist with their feeding efforts, or, perhaps they are there because that’s where the bait fish are hanging out.

Regardless, it’s impressive to see such a large whale in the surf and in shallow waters.

Spotted: mums with their calves

We also documented mothers with calves. This indicates some parts of the Australian east coast could possibly serve as an important area for nursing mothers with their young. They could also be using these waters for calving.

We don’t yet fully understand the species’ movements around Australia, and whether they swim in New Zealand waters. For example, the world-famous white humpback whale Migaloo has been known to swim across the Tasman Sea.

Bryde’s whale mother with calf in NSW waters escorted by dolphins.
Brett Dixon

Could these Bryde’s whales we see here in Australian waters be the same ones seen in New Zealand waters? Are they calving in New Zealand or Australia and moving between the two? If so, what does this mean for their protection?

Whales don’t recognise international boundaries. They go where they want, when they want. This is why collaborative research like this is important for our growing knowledge of this species.

The more we know, the better we can protect

This is the first dedicated paper on both the occurrence and feeding behaviour of Bryde’s whale in Australian waters.

As humans continue to expand our footprint in the ocean through activities such as offshore wind energy, shipping, fishing and tourism, knowledge of this species and others can help inform future decisions in our blue backyard.

Findings of this study will directly contribute to Australia’s efforts to protect whales. One immediate action will be contributing information to the federal review of Biological Important Areas for protected marine species. The more we know, the better we can target conservation efforts to provide for a species we know relatively little about in Australian waters.

And even though the humpbacks and southern rights are headed back south to Antarctica for the summer, it’s still worth keeping your eyes on the water. You might be the next person to spot a Bryde’s whale in Australian waters. Let us know if you do!

An example of shallow water surf feeding by a Bryde’s whale.
Taylor Arnell and Austin Ihle @takethemap Läs mer…

Digital inclusion for Indigenous communities is important. It’s so important, in fact, that the government has made it one of the targets under the Closing The Gap plan. The goal is:

by 2026, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have equal levels of digital inclusion.

Digital exclusion is the continuing unequal access and capacity to use digital technology that is essential to participate fully in society.

It severely stifles Indigenous creativity. It restricts access to essential tools, skills and platforms that are crucial for digital expression and innovation.

For many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, this exclusion leads to missed opportunities, particularly in areas linked to economic prosperity, such as employment and education. As the government’s policy focus is on economic empowerment, this is a major barrier.

Measuring progress towards the 2026 deadline is challenging because there are simply no recent data.

But given how big the gap was to start with, the lack of importance based on gathering relevant data and the insufficient government action since, we know the target is highly unlikely to be met.

Read more:
‘Digital inclusion’ and closing the gap: how First Nations leadership is key to getting remote communities online

What’s being done?

To support the goal, the First Nations Digital Inclusion Plan offers a comprehensive strategy focused on three key pillars:

access (to telecommunication services, devices, and data)
affordability (the cost of services, devices, and data)
ability (skills, attitudes, and confidence with technology).

Focused mostly on remote communities, initiatives such as the Australian Digital Inclusion Index highlight persistent challenges across all three areas.

Although digital inclusion is an urgent issue in remote areas, research also shows Indigenous populations face widespread digital exclusion across the nation, regardless of remoteness.

Some 84.6% (832,800) of Indigenous people live in non-remote areas. Many of these people are also excluded.

The First Nations Digital Inclusion Plan is the government’s guiding document to get more Indigenous people online.
ROUNAK AMINI/AAP

Last year, the government established an advisory group to drive progress.

It has developed a “road map”. This involves travelling to Indigenous communities across Australia to ensure their diverse needs, aspirations and environments are fully considered.

Despite these ongoing government initiatives and policies, efforts to close the digital divide for Indigenous peoples remain insufficient. As technology continues to advance, Indigenous communities are left in an increasingly precarious situation.

The rise of artificial intelligence

The government’s current plans do not explicitly address the role of artificial intelligence (AI). This oversight is particularly concerning given the rapid advancement of AI technologies.

A recent report on adult media literacy in Australia reveals 48% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander participants do not understand what AI is or the risks and opportunities it presents. This knowledge gap could further exacerbate the digital divide and deepen existing inequalities.

AI presents both opportunities and challenges. When led by Indigenous people, it holds transformative potential across multiple sectors.

It could enhance learning tailored to Indigenous knowledge systems, help in the revitalisation and preservation of languages, and improve healthcare delivery. It could also empower Indigenous businesses by optimising operations and market reach.

Read more:
AI affects everyone – including Indigenous people. It’s time we have a say in how it’s built

Indigenous people are already collaborating on research that combines Indigenous knowledge with AI to support land-management practices.

There are very few Indigenous-led AI projects underway nationally, but there’s great potential. With Indigenous people helping develop AI, these technologies could contribute to meaningful, self-determined growth across Indigenous communities.

But only if we’re included.

Avoiding exploitation

Indigenous digital exclusion, especially in policy development and regulation, can result in AI being used by non-Indigenous people to tell our stories without our permission.

They can profit from appropriation of our culture, including art and languages.

The government needs to adopt a more comprehensive and forward-thinking approach. This should involve expanding the scope of digital inclusion initiatives beyond the current limited focus to encompass Indigenous communities across the entire country.

The development of Indigenous-led digital literacy programs that respect learning styles and culture is also essential.

The government should incorporate AI and other emerging technologies into planning to ensure Indigenous communities are not left behind.

Establishing long-term partnerships with technology companies, educational institutions and Indigenous organisations to create sustainable digital inclusion programs is vital.

The focus should be on creating Indigenous-led opportunities that leverage digital technologies for economic empowerment without exploiting or harming.

Underrepresented in tech

One barrier to this is there are very few Indigenous peoples involved in the tech industry, especially in decision-making roles and policy development.

As of 2022, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people accounted for less than 1.4% of tech workers. There urgently needs to be more support to boost this figure.

That’s because technology like AI presents potential careers for Indigenous people.

Currently however, Indigenous peoples are not employed in the industries involved in AI. Of the global study of people working in this specific industry, Indigenous participation was not noted.

The fact the government recognises digital inclusion as a national priority is a positive step. The current approach, however, is piecemeal and limited. We need a more holistic strategy.

By developing more inclusive, technologically advanced policies led by Indigenous people, the government can ensure they are not left behind in the digital age. We need to be at the decision-making table.

Closing the digital divide requires a multifaceted, long-term commitment from government. This means a national strategy recognising the diverse needs and aspirations of Indigenous communities across the country.

By harnessing the full potential of digital technologies, including AI, and addressing the unique challenges faced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, the government can create lasting positive change and truly empower Indigenous communities in the digital era. Läs mer…