Women are less likely to receive CPR than men. Training on manikins with breasts could help

If someone’s heart suddenly stops beating, they may only have minutes to live. Doing CPR (cardiopulmonary resusciation) can increase their chances of survival. CPR makes sure blood keeps pumping, providing oxygen to the brain and vital organs until specialist treatment arrives.

But research shows bystanders are less likely to intervene to perform CPR when that person is a woman. A recent Australian study analysed 4,491 cardiac arrests between 2017–19 and found bystanders were more likely to give CPR to men (74%) than women (65%).

Could this partly be because CPR training dummies (known as manikins) don’t have breasts? Our new research looked at manikins available worldwide to train people in performing CPR and found 95% are flat-chested.

Anatomically, breasts don’t change CPR technique. But they may influence whether people attempt it – and hesitation in these crucial moments could mean the difference between life and death.

Heart health disparities

Cardiovascular diseases – including heart disease, stroke and cardiac arrest – are the leading cause of death for women across the world.

But if a woman has a cardiac arrest outside hospital (meaning her heart stops pumping properly), she is 10% less likely to receive CPR than a man. Women are also less likely to survive CPR and more likely to have brain damage following cardiac arrests.

Bystanders are less likely to intervene if a woman needs CPR, compared to a man.
doublelee/Shutterstock

These are just some of many unequal health outcomes women experience, along with transgender and non-binary people. Compared to men, their symptoms are more likely to be dismissed or misdiagnosed, or it may take longer for them to receive a diagnosis.

Bystander reluctance

There is also increasing evidence women are less likely to receive CPR compared to men.

This may be partly due to bystander concerns they’ll be accused of sexual harassment, worry they might cause damage (in some cases based on a perception women are more “frail”) and discomfort about touching a woman’s breast.

Bystanders may also have trouble recognising a woman is experiencing a cardiac arrest.

Even in simulations of scenarios, researchers have found those who intervened were less likely to remove a woman’s clothing to prepare for resuscitation, compared to men. And women were less likely to receive CPR or defibrillation (an electric charge to restart the heart) – even when the training was an online game that didn’t involve touching anyone.

There is evidence that how people act in resuscitation training scenarios mirrors what they do in real emergencies. This means it’s vital to train people to recognise a cardiac arrest and be prepared to intervene, across genders and body types.

Skewed to male bodies

Most CPR training resources feature male bodies, or don’t specify a sex. If the bodies don’t have breasts, it implies a male default.

For example, a 2022 study looking at CPR training across North, Central and South America, found most manikins available were white (88%), male (94%) and lean (99%).

It’s extremely rare for a manikin to have breasts or a larger body.
M Isolation photo/Shutterstock

These studies reflect what we see in our own work, training other health practitioners to do CPR. We have noticed all the manikins available to for training are flat-chested. One of us (Rebecca) found it difficult to find any training manikins with breasts.

A single manikin with breasts

Our new research investigated what CPR manikins are available and how diverse they are. We identified 20 CPR manikins on the global market in 2023. Manikins are usually a torso with a head and no arms.

Of the 20 available, five (25%) were sold as “female” – but only one of these had breasts. That means 95% of available CPR training manikins were flat-chested.

We also looked at other features of diversity, including skin tone and larger bodies. We found 65% had more than one skin tone available, but just one was a larger size body. More research is needed on how these aspects affect bystanders in giving CPR.

Breasts don’t change CPR technique

CPR technique doesn’t change when someone has breasts. The barriers are cultural. And while you might feel uncomfortable, starting CPR as soon as possible could save a life.

Signs someone might need CPR include not breathing properly or at all, or not responding to you.

To perform effective CPR, you should:

put the heel of your hand on the middle of their chest
put your other hand on the top of the first hand, and interlock fingers (keep your arms straight)
press down hard, to a depth of about 5cm before releasing
push the chest at a rate of 100-120 beats per minute (you can sing a song) in your head to help keep time!)

An example of how to do CPR – with a flat-chested manikin.

What about a defibrillator?

You don’t need to remove someone’s bra to perform CPR. But you may need to if a defibrillator is required.

A defibrillator is a device that applies an electric charge to restore the heartbeat. A bra with an underwire could cause a slight burn to the skin when the debrillator’s pads apply the electric charge. But if you can’t remove the bra, don’t let it delay care.

What should change?

Our research highlights the need for a range of CPR training manikins with breasts, as well as different body sizes.

Training resources need to better prepare people to intervene and perform CPR on people with breasts. We also need greater education about women’s risk of getting and dying from heart-related diseases. Läs mer…

Was Jesus Palestinian?

Netflix’s upcoming biblical biopic, Mary, has been attacked on social media because the title character and her husband Joseph are being played by Israeli actors.

The criticisms are based on the argument that Mary and Joseph, and their son Jesus, a Jewish man born in Bethlehem, were, in fact, Palestinian. Some critics of the Netflix casting are concerned about the inappropriateness of Israeli actors playing historical people they believe are Palestinians, while contemporary Palestinians are being killed by Israeli bombs.

Film-maker D.J. Caruso has explained the casting of Israeli actors as a deliberate choice: “It was important to us that Mary, along with most of our primary cast, be selected from Israel to ensure authenticity.”

So, were Jesus and his parents Palestinian?

Bethlehem is now a city located in the Israeli-occupied West Bank of the Palestinian Territories, about ten kilometres south of Jerusalem. So the short answer is: yes, Jesus was a Palestinian, according to modern geopolitics at least.

But one could also argue that he was not, because, as a Jewish man, he was born at a time when Palestine did not exist as a political entity.

Paula Fredriksen, a historian of ancient Christianity, made this point in March. In the Washington Post, she called claims Jesus was Palestinian “an act of cultural and political appropriation”.

Some have criticised the casting of Israeli actors Ido Tako (as Joseph) and Noa Cohen (as Mary) in Netflix’s Mary.
Christopher Raphael/Netflix

A Jewish man from Bethlehem

According to the New Testament, Jesus was born somewhere around 4-6 BCE during the reign of Herod the Great, in Bethlehem. Bethlehem’s location was in an area then known by the Romans as Judea – the land of Judah, then occupied by the Jewish people (the Judeans).

The Roman historian Tacitus was the first to mention the existence of Jesus as a Judean, outside of the New Testament, in his Annales (115-120 CE).

Tacitus told his readers the Emperor Nero had blamed the fire that destroyed Rome in 64 CE on the Christians. They were named, he wrote, after (Jesus) “Christus”, who was executed by Pontius Pilate when he was governor of “Judea, the first source of the evil”.

According to the Old Testament, the 12 tribes of Israel conquered Canaan (later to become known as Palestine, then Judea, then Palestine, and then Israel) around 1200 BCE. The tribe of Judah settled in the region to the south of Jerusalem.

This made Jesus a Judean (in Hebrew, a Yehudi), from which the English word “Jew” is derived. As a Judean, Jesus was part of the Jewish religious tradition, which was focused on the temple in Jerusalem, known as the second temple.

‘Palestine’ has a long history

The name “Palestine” for that region also had a long history, though. It first appeared in the fifth century BCE, in the writings of the Greek historian Herodotus.

He wrote of a “district of Syria, called Palaistinê”, between Egypt and Phoenicia, an ancient region that corresponds to modern Lebanon, with adjoining parts of modern Syria and Israel. So, the land (or part of it) was called “Palestine” by the Greeks before it was called “Judea” by the Romans.

Emperor Hadrian changed ‘Judea’ to ‘Palestinian Syria’.
Commonists/Wikipedia Commons, CC BY

The key moment in the creation of Palestine was shortly after a Jewish rebellion against Roman rule in Judea from 132-135 CE, known as the Bar Kokhba revolt. The Jews were killed, displaced or enslaved. They wouldn’t return to Palestine in numbers until after World War II, when the Jewish state of Israel was created.

The Emperor Hadrian changed the name of the Roman province from “Judea” to “Palestinian Syria” in c.138 CE. This name change removed the Jewish character of the region, implying it was more Syrian and Greek than Jewish.

We might say that, from this moment on, Jesus was a Palestinian.

His ethnic identity as a Jew and his religious affiliation to the religion of the Jews remained the same, but his geographical identity had changed. The Judean had become a Palestinian.

Back then, this mattered little. After all, Palestine was just another name for Judea.

Politicising ‘Palestine’ and ‘Israel’

After the fall of the Roman Empire, the boundaries of Palestine were vague and uncertain. “Palestine” did not refer to any specific political identity, so no precise geographical determination was needed.

The crusaders preferred “the Holy Land”, or “the Kingdom of Jerusalem”. The borders of Palestine remained fluid after it became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1516, until the end of the first world war ended Ottoman sovereignty in the region.

Jerusalem was captured by British and Allied forces in December 1917. By October 1918, the remaining area was occupied by the British, which would administer Palestine until a mandated end date of 1948. In May 1948, after an estimated 750,000 people who lived on 77.8% of the land in then-Palestine were displaced, the modern state of Israel was declared.

Christian worshippers pray at the Grotto under the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Day in the West Bank city of Bethlehem.
Mahmoud Illean/AAP

The geographical identity of Palestine now reemerged as crucial. Palestine would now become a limited and determined geographical space, defined against the creation of the new state of Israel.

This new state built upon its original Judean, or Jewish identity. But with its new name, it created a new understanding of itself. A new kind of Jew, an “Israeli”, had arrived in the place formerly known as Judea.

The new Jewish “Israelis” established themselves against the previous inhabitants, the “Palestinians”. They limited the Palestinians to a space in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, on what the Israelis still considered the Promised Land given to them by God, according to the Bible.

For their part, the Arabs of Palestine began to use the term “Palestinian” to assert the nationalist concept of a Palestinian people and their right to an independent state.

A common humanity

When Judaea and Palestine covered more or less the same geographical space, Jesus could be both a Judaean and a Palestinian. Back then, it didn’t matter.

But in a modern Middle East divided along binary lines (between Jew and Arab, Israeli Jew and Palestinian Muslims or Christians), it seems he can no longer be both.

Heaven only knows what Jesus would make of all this. But realising Jesus is a Palestinian and a Jew should make us question the truth and value of such binary distinctions.

After all, Jews, Muslims and Christians believe we all come from one original pair of humans: Adam and Eve.

That story leads us towards a recognition of common humanity – beyond the arbitrary and impermanent divisions of people and places thrown up by the changes and chances of history. Läs mer…

The unspoken rule of conversation that explains why AI chatbots feel so human

Earlier this year, a Hong Kong finance worker was tricked into paying US$25 million to scammers who had used deepfake technology to pretend to be the company’s chief financial officer in a video conference call. Thinking the images on screen were his colleagues, the financier authorised the multi-million dollar transfer to fraudsters posing as friends.

It’s a dramatic example, but the bamboozled office worker was far from alone in being fooled by generative AI. This technology, which relies heavily on large language models trained on vast amounts of data to learn and predict the patterns of language, has become increasingly widespread since the launch of ChatGPT in 2022.

How can we explain why some people who interact with generative AI chatbots are so readily convinced they are having a conversation with a kind of person? The answer may lie in the rules of conversation itself – and how they are deeply ingrained in the way we interact with the world.

Why the hype?

Generative AI systems based on language models produce text that a linguist would call “ungrounded”: it lacks the mutual understanding that is an essential component of conversations between people. However, when humans engage in an interaction we tend to assume that our partner has a mind.

We are wired to anthropomorphise the various non-humans we interact with. Before the recent leaps in generative AI, this was mainly animals.

Now it is machines. Before generative AI, our interactions with computers generally involved minimal linguistic back-and-forth. With generative AI, however, computer systems acknowledge us in a way that seems real. This “seeming real” is a huge part of the technology’s success.

So how does it work?

Language and thought

In a recent paper, American scientists Kyle Mahowald, Anna Ivanova and colleagues argue that we are conflating language and thought. Because generative AI systems can use language somewhat fluently, we believe they can think. (For the record, they cannot.)

The authors distinguish between formal linguistic competence (knowledge of rules and statistical patterns in language) and functional linguistic competence (how to use language in real-world situations).

It’s not enough to produce rule-governed utterances. They must also be used appropriately in context. In this example (crafted with the help of ChatGPT-4o when prompted to produce an example of an accurate but inappropriate conversational response), Alex offers a response that, while factually correct, fails to address their friend’s need for support.

Friend: I am freaking out about my presentation tomorrow.

Alex: Stress activates your body’s fight-or-flight response, increasing heart rate and cortisol levels.

Mahowald and colleagues say our belief in the intelligence of generative AI systems comes from their capacity for language. However, a crucial piece of the puzzle is what happens to humans when we interact with the technology.

The rules of conversation

The key to understanding the allure of generative AI chatbots for humans lies in the genre the bots perform: conversation. Conversation is governed by rules and routines.

Conversational routines vary across cultures, and different expectations are in place. In Western cultures, at least, linguists often regard conversation as proceeding according to four principles or “maxims” set out in 1975 by British philosopher of language Paul Grice.

The maxim of quality: be truthful; do not give information that is false or not supported by evidence.

The maxim of quantity: be as informative as is required; don’t give too much or too little information.

The maxim of relevance: only give information that is relevant to the topic under discussion.

The maxim of manner: be clear, brief, and orderly; avoid obscurity and ambiguity.

Finding relevance at all costs

Generative AI chatbots usually do well in terms of quantity (sometimes erring on the side of giving too much information), and they tend to be relevant and clear (a reason people use them to improve their writing).

However, they do often fail on the maxim of quality. They tend to hallucinate, giving answers which may appear authoritative but are in fact false.

The crux of generative AI’s success, however, lies in Grice’s claim that anyone engaged in meaningful communication will abide by these maxims and will assume that others are also following them.

For example, the reason lying works is that people interacting with a liar will assume the other person is telling the truth. People interacting with someone who offers an irrelevant comment will attempt to find relevance at all costs.

Grice’s cooperative principle holds that conversation is underpinned by our overarching will to understand one another.

The will to cooperate

The success of generative AI, then, depends in part on the human need to cooperate in conversation, and to be instinctively drawn to interaction. This way of interacting through conversation, learned in childhood, becomes habitual.

Grice argued that “it would take a good deal of effort to make a radical departure from the habit”.

Next time you engage with generative AI, then, do so with caution. Remember it’s only a language model. Don’t let your habitual need for conversational cooperation accept a machine as a fellow human. Läs mer…

Who were Caracalla and Geta, the cruel and unhinged Roman brother emperors depicted in Gladiator II?

Warning: this article contains mild spoilers.

When Gladiator I was released in 2000, I was a high school Classics student and the film brought Classical literature to life for me. Dramatic depictions of ancient warfare seemed more real, the machinations of imperial politics all the more serious.

So it was with some trepidation, then, that I went to see Gladiator II. Could it live up to Gladiator I’s high standards? Would it be sufficiently plausible for me to enjoy?

I’m not here to fact-check the film – something already admirably done. Rather, I wanted to reflect on its “truthiness” and historical ambience, and specifically on its portrayal of two Roman emperors, the brothers Caracalla and Geta.

Caracalla and Geta do and say some very odd things in the film that may feel far-fetched to some. In fact, these brothers – and other Roman emperors – really did do some unhinged things.

Joseph Quinn plays Geta in the film Gladiator II.
Aidan Monaghan/Paramount Pictures via AP

An intense rivalry

Caracalla was a young boy when Commodus, the cruel and creepy emperor portrayed by Joaquin Phoenix in Gladiator I, died. The tumultous “year of the five emperors” followed, culminating in Caracalla’s father, Septimius Severus, becoming emperor.

In 198CE, Septimius appointed Caracalla – now a boy of ten – to be co-emperor. Then in 209CE he made Caracalla’s younger brother Geta also a co-emperor.

The father and sons ruled until Septimius’ death in early 211CE. The brothers then ruled together until Geta’s death in late 211CE, which was followed by Caracalla’s own death in 217CE.

It was clear the scriptwriters of Gladiator II drew at least in part on the Classical literature that informs our understanding of Ancient Rome.

Sometimes, this influence is obvious. At other times it is more subtle, such as the denouncement of imperialism informed no doubt by the classic anti-imperialist speech given by the Caledonian chieftain Calgacus in the historian Tacitus’ biography of Agricola, the Roman governor of Britain. Keen eyed Latinists will no doubt raise some eyebrows at the graffito easter egg later in the film.

The relatively little we know about Caracalla and Geta are from records by two Greek historians, Herodian and Cassius Dio. There’s also very dubious imperial history written in Latin called the Historia Augusta.

From these sources, it’s clear the brothers had an intense rivalry. This was largely kept in check while their father Septimius Severus was emperor.

But once Septimius died, their relationship devolved into outright hostility.

Bringing out the worst in each other

Geta’s behaviour seems to have been more moderate. The Historia Augusta tell a strange story of him enjoying banquets themed around letters of the alphabet, where every dish featured a food that started with the same letter.

Caracalla was far more unhinged. According to the Historia Augusta, he once fought a lion so he could boast he was Hercules.

He also apparently condemned to death anyone who had urinated near his statues. Interestingly, Caracalla was himself eventually assassinated when he dismounted from his horse to relieve himself.

During his invasion of Persia, he ordered the royal tombs to be desecrated and the bones of past kings to be scattered.

When put together, the brothers seemed to bring out the worst in each other. Not even dividing the imperial palace into two zones was enough to keep the peace.

Obsessed by spectacle

According to the Greek historian Herodian, Caracalla and Geta were obsessed by spectacles, something which suits the film’s depiction of gladiatorial combat well.

Interest in the games of the arena was a common imperial trait. It represented a great political opportunity for an emperor to put his power on display.

So in the film, Geta and Caracalla’s interest and excitement in attending the games strikes me as historically valid.

According to the Greek historian Cassius Dio, Caracalla fancied himself in particular as a fighter in the arena. He reportedly killed a hundred boars by himself in a single day, and solicited money from the crowd by saluting them with a whip from the ground of the arena.

Cassius Dio also alleges Caracalla and Geta befriended gladiators and chariot riders, and that Caracalla broke his leg in a fiercely contested chariot race with his brother.

In the end, Caracalla tricked Geta into a meeting with their mother, on the premise that the brothers might come to terms, and then had him assassinated in front of her.

US actor Fred Hechinger plays Caracalla in Gladiator II.
EPA/ANDY RAIN

Once Caracalla was sole emperor, his games featured a range of animals to be killed for entertainment.

These included elephants, rhinoceros, tigers, zebras, and even, Cassius Dio asserts, a crocotta – a mythical beast, somewhere between a dog, a wolf, a hyena and a lion.

None of our sources mention Caracalla’s appointing of a monkey to high office, a scene depicted in Gladiator II.

But while this is clearly outrageous, Roman emperors were known to act outrageously; there was political advantage to be gained in acting outrageously and getting away with it.

According to the Roman writer Suetonius, the first century Roman emperor Caligula planned to appoint his favourite horse Incitatus to the high office of consul. It may have been as a prank or a form of satirical criticism, the implication being that even a horse could do the job.

The film does miss a bit of an opportunity in that Caracalla and Geta’s mother, Julia Domna, does not feature in the script, given we know imperial mothers and wives often exerted significant influence.

Perhaps the decision to elide Julia Domna was taken so as not to distract from Lucilla, Commodus’ sister, who was a real historical figure (but who actually died before the time Gladiator II was set). Her engagement in the political intrigues of the plot may well have been inspired somewhat by Julia Domna.

In the film, Caracalla and Geta are pretty crazy, but this is more art imitating life than a flight of fancy. Läs mer…

5 common misconceptions about women and entrepreneurship

Women entrepreneurs are essential for the Canadian economy, a fact recognized by the government’s Women Entrepreneurship Strategy. This strategy was launched in 2018 and has seen nearly $7 billion be put toward supporting women-owned businesses in Canada.

Although women in Canada engage in entrepreneurship more than in other comparable countries, there is still a significant gender gap. Only 15 per cent of women are engaged in startups and seven per cent are owner-managers of established businesses, compared to 24 per cent and nine per cent of men, respectively.

If women participated in entrepreneurship as much as men, global GDP would rise by an estimated three to six per cent, adding $2.5 to $5 trillion to the global economy.

This is not just about economic growth, but is a broader ethical and societal issue. By limiting women’s entrepreneurial participation, we are also limiting women’s opportunities for employment, empowerment and the promotion of gender equality more broadly.

To make entrepreneurship more gender-inclusive, it’s important to confront the underlying biases that create barriers for women. As experts and researchers in entrepreneurship, we’ve identified five common misconceptions about women and entrepreneurship that need to be challenged.

Misconception #1: Women don’t want to be entrepreneurs

The first misconception is that women are not motivated to become entrepreneurs. This misconception partly arises from the gendered language that is often used to describe entrepreneurship.

Entrepreneurial language tends to be masculine, using terms like “risk-takers,” “achievement-oriented” and “confident,” which are all characteristics more commonly associated with men. This perceived mismatch may contribute to the belief that women are less motivated to pursue entrepreneurship.

While women are less likely than men to start a business, in reality, there is strong entrepreneurial motivation among women. Women make up 37 per cent of self-employment statistics in Canada.

Misconception #2: Women are not successful entrepreneurs

The second misconception is that women are not successful entrepreneurs. This has to do with traditional measures of success, which focus on business size, profitability and growth rate.

Relative to men, women are more likely to run smaller businesses with lower profitability and growth, but this does not necessarily mean they underperform.

Women are more likely to be part-time entrepreneurs because they often have to balance business ownership with family and household responsibilities.
(Shutterstock)

First, small businesses — regardless of the owner’s gender — have limited profitability and growth in general. Second, women are more likely to be part-time entrepreneurs because they often have to balance business ownership with family and household responsibilities. And third, women are over-represented in lower-growth and lower-wage industries like retail and food services.

These factors explain the lower performance levels for women entrepreneurs, which are influenced by socially constructed and historical factors, not an inability to be successful.

Misconception #3: Women can’t secure business funding

The third misconception is that women entrepreneurs are not capable of securing business funding. While women entrepreneurs are less likely to receive financial backing, this is not because of lack of capabilities.

Instead, women are less likely to ask for financial funding, either because they don’t require it or because they’re discouraged from applying due to fear of rejection.

When women do seek financial backing, they’re usually asked different questions than men are, which affects their outcomes. Finance providers tend to ask women questions that focus on potential failures, while they ask men about potential success.

Since the framing of questions influences their responses, women’s answers — which are often focused on preventing failure — instil less confidence and lead to less funding.

Misconception #4: Women are risk-averse

The fourth misconception is that women are risk averse, preventing them from becoming entrepreneurs. There is some research that points to this misconception being true; one study, for instance, found that women exhibit higher levels of risk aversion when making financial decisions compared to men.

However, most women are not inherently risk-averse. This perception is likely a result of how women are socialized according to cultural norms and expectations. Women are often expected to be more communal and caring, while men are expected to be more competitive and risk taking.

Women make up 37 per cent of self-employment statistics in Canada.
(Shutterstock)

The way we define and understand “risk” may also contribute to this misconception. Success stories about entrepreneurs often focus on financial risk — something more commonly associated with men.

Less attention is given to the risks women are more likely to take, such as standing up for their beliefs or choosing the ethical route when faced with a dilemma, even if it might result in lower financial success.

Misconception #5: Women don’t establish the right networks

The fifth misconception is that women fail to build the right networks as entrepreneurs. Research shows women tend to develop more formal mentoring and networking relationships, such as through professional associations, while men typically have a mix of both formal and informal connections.

Formal mentoring often offers fewer career development benefits compared to informal connections. Women are less likely to engage in informal mentoring, not because they lack interest or ability, but because there are fewer women entrepreneurs to connect with.

Despite this, women are actually more active than men in supporting others’ careers, both men and women.

These misconceptions about women entrepreneurs are rooted in the historically masculine nature of entrepreneurship and can be barriers to women becoming successful entrepreneurs. By challenging these stereotypes and promoting gender inclusivity in entrepreneurship, we can help remove obstacles and create a more supportive environment for women entrepreneurs. Läs mer…

Trump’s RFK Jr. nomination raises the stakes for media reporting on health

President-elect Donald Trump’s controversial nomination of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as United States health secretary presents new challenges for how media will report on health matters. Kennedy is an anti-vaccine activist and believes in various conspiracies about the COVID-19 pandemic. His nomination landed with a thud among health experts and the mainstream media.

This appointment, coupled with Trump’s frequent complaints about a liberal bias in the mainstream media that he claims exaggerate and distort the world around us, will make it difficult for media trying to maintain credibility when reporting health news. The pandemic provides a good place to draw some lessons.

Despite claims of the demise of mainstream media, there are still many people who refer to traditional news sources, particularly in uncertain times when accurate information is at a premium.

RFK Jr. speaks against proposed Democratic bills that would add new vaccine doses to attend school at a protest rally in Albany, N.Y. in January 2020. Trump’s controversial nomination of RFK Jr. as health secretary presents new challenges for how media will report on health matters.
(AP Photo/Hans Pennink)

Based on a global study of the early stages of the pandemic, most people regardless of age ranked traditional media outlets (newspapers, television and radio) and the social media accounts belonging to these outlets as their primary sources of information during COVID-19.

Media in the pandemic

The pandemic resulted in an increase in demand for traditional media. In Canada, an April 2020 survey found that less than 10 per cent of respondents relied on social media as their main source of information; 51 per cent relied on local, national and international news outlets, and 30 per cent relied on daily briefings from public health agencies and political leaders. All major daily television news programs nearly doubled their year-to-date, average-minute audience.

Media coverage was indispensable during the pandemic for three reasons:

First, the media communicated important health and economic information to the public.

Second, the media highlighted the struggles of vulnerable communities affected by the pandemic when non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that typically addressed such issues were struggling themselves. Almost half of charities and NGOs received no support from permanent donors during the pandemic .

Finally, the media played an important role in supporting democratic accountability when government policymaking was frequent and spending was high but parliamentary and legislative checks were reduced. When comparing legislative sittings between 2018-19 and 2020-21, for example, provincial legislatures met anywhere from 5.5 per cent (Alberta) to 62.5 per cent (Nova Scotia) less often.

Despite these important roles, there were important limitations to how the media reported the uncertainty of the pandemic.

Lessons from COVID-19

A man and his mother wave at each other through a window at Tabor Home, a long-term care facility in Abbotsford, B.C., during the COVID-19 pandemic in November 2020. COVID-19’s serious toll in long-term care homes, and the poor conditions found in some of those homes, was widely covered in 2020.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Darryl Dyck

Media is prone to exploiting cognitive biases. According to risk psychologists, people are typically more concerned about risks that are unknown and have high dread characteristics.

A pandemic has many of these characteristics, which made it fertile ground for sustained and, at times, sensationalized coverage, focusing on conflict and emotion, excluding probability data, oversimplifying complex matters, and vilifying those who went against the grain.

Here are some salient examples.

Despite the frequent claims to “follow the science” that featured so prominently in the media, U.S. research showed that coverage of the pandemic by American publications with a national audience tended to be more negative than the coverage by scientific journals, international publications and regional media.

In 2020, 87 per cent of COVID-19 coverage in U.S. media was deemed negative, emphasizing bad news and amplifying conflict and disagreement over government policies, regardless of whether different voices represented a small minority or a sizeable amount of the population.

Psychologists refer to identifiable-victim effect, when people focus on individuals and consequences and omit probability data. COVID-19’s serious toll in long-term care (LTC) homes, and the poor conditions found in some of those homes, was widely covered in 2020. However, even among those with loved ones in long-term care, over 78 per cent commented that they were satisfied with the service of the LTC facility — a fact that was virtually unobtainable if one depended solely on popular media for information.

During the third wave of the pandemic, the media ran stories about Canadian children becoming seriously ill even though youth made up only two per cent of hospitalizations. While it is true that stories about sick kids are newsworthy, they can also be sensationalist and exploitative.

After more than a year of COVID-19 stories and high death counts, at times it was difficult to distinguish between lower-probability and higher-probability cases, which is a fundamental characteristic of any risk problem.

The media also tended to vilify young people when they broke public health orders and gathering limits. Despite being at low risk of severe illness throughout the pandemic, young people paid a very heavy price for governments’ responses.

One study found that younger adults had to implement more behavioural changes than older individuals to comply with COVID-19 restrictions. The political priorities of young people — housing, social justice, environment and affordability — received much less attention from the media during the pandemic.

RFK Jr.’s nomination

RFK Jr., right, speaks at a rally held in opposition to a proposed bill that would remove parents’ ability to claim a philosophical exemption to opt their school-age children out of the combined measles, mumps and rubella vaccine in February 2019 in Olympia, Wash.
(AP Photo/Ted S. Warren)

The role of the health secretary is partly an advisory role. RFK Jr. would influence as much as lead. Still, his appointment would be consequential.

Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director at the American Public Health Association, said of Kennedy’s nomination: “More people will get sick, and I’m really concerned more people will die.”

Decentralized technology is changing the way we consume media. Despite Trump’s use of unconventional media strategies during the election campaign, it’s clear that the mainstream media play a disproportionately important role in how we consume information. Part of the challenge lies in how news sources maintain trustworthiness among their audiences. Trustworthiness depends on being transparent, knowledgeable and concerned.

Mainstream media will now have to develop new standards for transparency, particularly on how it uses and communicates scientific data. Media need to ensure that emotive stories that animate coverage are informed by appropriate probability and consequence data.

This will help ensure that the audience knows whether the cases in media are shown as exceptions to the norm, or pervasive. More transparent use of probability data will help ensure this. Läs mer…

Survivors of abuse in care know how redress should work – will the government finally listen?

When Prime Minister Christopher Luxon stood in Parliament last week to apologise to survivors of abuse in care, his words were among many fine speeches by government officials and survivors that day.

But to understand what is really happening, we now need to set those words alongside what the government has – and has not – been doing.

The apology arose from a recommendation in the Abuse in Care Royal Commission’s 2021 report on redress. At the time, the government announced it would launch a comprehensive redress system in mid-2023. That did not happen.

Then, in July this year, Luxon told the nation to expect a substantial redress program before the end of 2024. That will not happen, and his apology on November 12 did not restate that commitment.

Survivors must lead

The apology was an opportunity for the government to demonstrate a commitment to action. It was also an opportunity for survivors to participate in redress.

Originally, representative survivors were to respond in the debating chamber to Luxon’s speech, but the government decided to do things differently. Survivors would instead speak in the Beehive before the apology.

As they could not respond directly to the apology itself, they spoke about their shared struggles, hopes and fears. Although their speaking times were cut from ten to five minutes, and Luxon was not in the room, they laid down a clear challenge.

Government action to date has been inadequate, they said. Proper redress must acknowledge past and ongoing injuries. And it must implement the transformative changes needed to prevent systemic abuse in care.

As survivor Keith Wiffin said, adequate redress requires “direct involvement and leadership from survivors”. Overall, there needs to be partnership between survivors and the Crown, and between Māori and tauiwi (non-Māori).

Survivors are owed substantial redress for their injuries. Moreover, only the Crown has the power and resources needed to stop future systemic abuse in care. But survivors say the consultation model is broken.

A seemingly perpetual consultation process – in which the government asks survivors about its proposals, and survivors wait for yet another Cabinet paper – not only creates delays, but is also disempowering.

As survivor Tu Chapman said, the state has “continued to divide us survivors by picking and choosing when you want our insights and when you want us involved”. The government, Chapman added, should “give us what we need, so we can contribute. We, the mōrehu [survivors], have the answers.”

Questions of redress

The prime minister has now said the government intends to have a new redress system in place in 2025. But we also need to look at what wasn’t said in the apology.

He did not commit to any of the royal commission’s central recommendations on redress. Those included addressing survivors’ needs and claims holistically, the process being independent of offending institutions, embracing te ao Māori, including survivors of faith-based care, and being survivor-led.

Those are significant absences. The responsible minister, Erica Stanford, instead announced the government is “working towards introducing a new streamlined redress system next year”. This is not something survivors have been specifically requesting.

Some have speculated the redevelopment of ACC’s
Integrated Services for Sensitive Claims might be an option the government is considering. This currently offers sexual assault survivors quicker access to an expanded range of social, economic, vocational, clinical and therapeutic services. But that is a long way from what the Royal Commission recommended.

Perpetrators and unmarked graves

Elsewhere, the apology itself offered few specific commitments. Luxon announced the government would seek to remove public memorials and other honours for those who are “proven perpetrators”.

What this means is unclear. Many abusers are dead, others are too old to be brought to trial. At present, there may be no mechanism to rescind honours posthumously, leaving alleged serial abusers such as Louise Miles undisturbed.

Luxon also committed to investigating unmarked graves. The Royal Commission identified the potential for unmarked graves at several large institutions and recommended an independent body investigate those sites.

How that will work is unknown, but it should include identifying who is buried, enable the return of remains to relatives where appropriate, and otherwise recognise these sites as cemeteries.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Minister for the Crown Response to Abuse in Care, Erica Stanford.
Getty Images

More than words

Finally, we need to watch what the government is doing at the same time as it responds to the abuse-in-care report.

As others have noted, the introduction of military-style boot camps for young offenders risks a return to a system the royal commission condemned as a breeding ground for abuse. The government is also defunding community-based social services, risking another generation entering what has been called the “care-to-prison pipeline”.

And we have seen the end of a digitisation program designed to facilitate access to survivors’ care records that would underpin the work of a comprehensive redress program.

In his apology, Luxon announced that November 12 2025 will be a national remembrance day for survivors of abuse in care. Perhaps it should become an annual commemoration day, a perpetual reminder of the horrors endured by so many and an impetus for improvement.

When the date rolls around next year, we can expect more fine official sentiments. But without real action, Wiffin’s words on the day of the apology will still hold true:

We’ve heard those words from the state before, and they are meaningless because they have not resulted in change or progress.

The author acknowledges the contribution of Filipo Katavake-McGrath to the writing of this article. Läs mer…

New maps show high-risk zones for whale-ship collisions − vessel speed limits and rerouting can reduce the toll

Imagine you are a blue whale swimming up the California coast, as you do every spring. You are searching for krill in the Santa Barbara Channel, a zone that teems with fish, kelp forests, seagrass beds and other undersea life, but also vibrates with noise from ship traffic. Suddenly, the noise gets louder.

You start to make a slow, shallow dive, but without much urgency – after all, your species evolved over millions of years without this mysterious noise, so why would you know what to do when you hear it? A minute later, you are fatally struck by a container ship.

Your body slowly sinks to the bottom of the ocean, where it will nourish deep-sea creatures for decades but will never be seen by humans again. Indeed, your death goes unnoticed; the vessel barely registers the impact of hitting a member of the largest animal species on Earth.

Collisions with ships are a critical threat to many large whale species. While these events are difficult to study, scientists estimate that thousands of whales are killed by ships yearly. In some regions, whales die from vessel strikes at rates that exceed what is considered sustainable after decades of whaling. Collisions with vessels threaten some critically endangered species.

Research and experience show that simple measures can reduce these collisions – for example, rerouting shipping lanes to avoid important areas for whales, or reducing vessel speeds. But to implement these interventions, scientists and policymakers need to know where whales are most at risk.

Colliding with cruise and container ships is one of the most serious threats to endangered whale species.

Mapping risk to whales

In a newly published study in Science, colleagues and I mapped global ship-strike risk for four species of Earth’s largest whales: blue, fin, humpback and sperm. Within each species’ range, we found that vessels traveled the equivalent of thousands of times the distance to the moon and back every year.

Our maps reveal widespread risk of vessel collisions in areas including the U.S. West Coast, the Mediterranean Sea and the northern Indian Ocean. These zones already have documented high levels of ship strikes.

We also found many other regions with similar levels of risk that are less studied and recognized. They include several stretches along the coastlines of South America and southern Africa, and the area around the Azores off the coast of Portugal.

Predicted patterns of whale-ship collisions for blue, fin, humpback and sperm whales. Areas in purple are places of higher ship-strike risk, with high levels of shipping traffic and high habitat suitability for each species. Ship-strike risk was predicted for each species across their range map – as defined by the International Union for Conservation of Nature – which for fin whales excludes the tropics.
Anna Nisi, CC BY-ND

Most high-risk areas are unprotected

Whales are largely unprotected from vessel collisions around the world. We identified collision-risk hot spots – areas in the top 1% of predicted risk globally that represent the riskiest places for each species.

We found that fewer than 7% of collision-risk hot spots had put measures in place to reduce collisions, such as limiting vessel speeds or requiring ships to avoid certain areas. Exceptions include the west and east coasts of North America, as well as the Mediterranean, which have higher levels of ship-strike management.

Where such measures exist, they often are voluntary. Mandatory restrictions on speed cover just 0.54% of collision-risk hot spots for blue whales, 0.27% for humpback whales and none of the hot spots for fin or sperm whales.

For each species, we found that ship-strike risk was higher within exclusive economic zones – areas up to 200 nautical miles from coastlines, in which each country has exclusive jurisdiction over marine resources – than on the high seas. This can make it easier to implement conservation and management measures in these areas.

Within exclusive economic zones, individual countries can either adopt voluntary vessel measures or propose mandatory changes through the International Maritime Organization, which regulates international shipping. There is a lot of opportunity for countries to protect whales in their national waters.

However, since political boundaries mean nothing to whales, the most effective approach would be for neighboring countries to coordinate efforts to reduce ship-strike risk across whale migratory routes.

This video shows whales’ use of space in the ocean, shaded from blue (lower use areas) to white (high use areas), with global ship traffic overlaid on it, colored by vessel speed.

We also found high levels of ship-strike risk within existing marine protected areas – zones where countries have adopted various measures to conserve and manage sea life. Most of these marine protected areas were created to protect sea life from fishing, but very few place any restrictions or regulations on shipping. When marine protected areas contain high levels of ship-strike risk, governments could add such measures to the protected areas’ missions.

Benefits of protecting whales

Protecting whales from ships would benefit other species too. Vessels can strike many marine species, including seals, sea turtles, sharks, fish, penguins and dolphins.

Marine shipping is the top source of underwater noise, which is a major threat to marine life. Underwater noise can disrupt feeding, interfere with communication and cause stress for many species. Vessels run more quietly at slower speeds, so speed-reduction measures can reduce noise pollution as well as collision risk.

Underwater noise from a large cargo ship, recorded off Perth, Western Australia.

Humans can also benefit from slowing down and rerouting ships. When vessels travel more slowly, their fuel efficiency increases, reducing their greenhouse gas emissions. The marine shipping industry currently produces carbon emissions comparable to those from aviation.

Slowing vessels down also reduces emissions of harmful air pollutants that threaten human health in coastal areas and are estimated to contribute to hundreds of thousands of premature deaths annually. In 2023, for example, vessels cooperating with a voluntary slowdown in California cut 45,000 metric tons of greenhouse gas emissions and 1,250 metric tons of nitrogen oxides, and they reduced the risk to whales by more than half.

Changing vessel routes can make waters safer for local fishermen. In Sri Lanka, for example, heavy ship traffic hugs the coast, overlapping with local fishermen as well as with foraging blue whales. Collisions with cargo ships have killed several fishermen there in recent years. In response, some shipping companies are voluntarily shifting their lanes farther offshore to reduce the risk of colliding with humans and whales.

In our interconnected world, 90% of consumer goods travel by ship before they get to market. Most items that consumers in wealthy nations purchase in their daily lives have traveled across the ocean at some point.

Our study shows that ship-strike risk is widespread – but in our view, protecting whales from these collisions is a solvable issue. And by protecting whales, humans can also protect themselves.

This article has been updated to add a video showing areas of the ocean that are used by whales, mapped in combination with global ship traffic. Läs mer…

Design as a movement: how First Nations people take ownership of their cultural stories through fashion

Once located 250 metres to the east of the Art Gallery of South Australia, the grand beaux-arts style Jubilee Exhibition Building was constructed to house the 1887 Adelaide Jubilee International Exhibition and to celebrate the 50th anniversary of South Australian settlement.

Hosting interstate and international participants, the exhibition presented various items, including machinery, fine art, textiles and produce.

In the South Australian section, the Protector of Aborigines, responsible for controlling Aboriginal people in South Australia and the Northern Territory, exhibited cultural implements and artefacts.

Some of these items included bags and wallets made of “native hemp” from the Northern Territory.

This colonial presentation of forced and unpaid fashion labour from First Nations people was a practice that had commenced decades earlier.

The South Australian section at the Adelaide Jubilee International Exhibition.
State Library of South Australia

In 1866, the Central Board for the Protection of the Aborigines showcased baskets, bags, and bonnets at the Melbourne Intercolonial Exhibition of Australasia.

In the Queensland Court of the 1888 Melbourne Centennial Exhibition, pearl jewellery from the Torres Strait Islands was exhibited.

By the mid-20th century, these wares ceased being displayed in the exhibitions and First Nations people had more autonomy in their craft production. This rise of self-determination led to the first wave of First Nations fashion design, of contemporary garment-makers and textile-designers.

A market for design

In Coffs Harbour in the mid-1960s, First Nations women made clothes for tourists at the Big Banana. Although the garments did not feature their designs, the women received income from crafting the dresses and sarongs.

In the late 1960s, textiles from the Tiwi Islands emerged and were later paraded in small fashion shows.

Other arts and crafts centres soon joined the textile movement, and an explosion of designs materialised in the market.

The Big Banana, photographed in the mid-1960s.
Courtesy of the City of Coffs Harbour, CC BY

By the 1980s, First Nations fashion design had been cemented as a movement.

This was the time of individual designers presenting alongside the established arts and crafts centres and showcasing their designs on international runways.

Their designs and silhouettes were new: they told contemporary stories of colonisation, community, family and culture.

Self-determination

Today, First Nations artists and designers are self-determining the ownership of their cultural stories and the appropriate practices within the fashion, gallery, library and museum sectors.

Many First Nations artists and designers are presenting across multiple mediums and ensuring their designs and practices are culturally, environmentally and economically sustainable.

The First Nations pieces featured in the exhibition Radical Textiles traverse art and fashion design, taking the item off the body and onto a mannequin or frame. These works of art share a common thread of honouring and celebrating tradition, ancestors, family, community and Country.

The pieces embody wearable art from a purely experimental or commercial approach.

Trudy Inkamala (Western Arrernte/Luritja people) (1940–2023) and Sheree Inkamala’s (Western Arrernte/Luritja/Pitjantjatjara people) (b. 1995) Dilly bags everywhere (2021) features a contemporary vibrant bag and striking bold dress print depicting women and animal motifs.

Trudy Inkamala, Western Arrernte/Luritja people, Northern Territory, born Hamilton Downs Station, Northern Territory 1940, died Northern Territory 2023, Sheree Inkamala, Western Arrernte/Luritja/Pitjantjatjara people, Northern Territory/South Australia, born Mparntwe (Alice Springs), Northern Territory 1995, Yarrenyty Arltere Artists, Dilly bags everywhere! (dress and dilly bag), 2021, Mparntwe (Alice Springs), Northern Territory, cotton, recycled woolen blankets, plant dyes, discarded metal, wool, 96.0 cm (centre back), 120.0 cm (diam) (bust), 57.0 x 27.0 x 7.5 cm (b); Gift of the Hon. Diana Laidlaw AM through the Art Gallery of South Australia Foundation 2024, Art Gallery of South Australia, Adelaide.
© the artist and Yarrenyty Arltere Artists

Sustainable and recycled materials, including used woollen blankets, discarded metal and cotton dyed from plants, are prominent in this work.

Trudy Inkamala was a respected Elder and knowledge-keeper who crafted fibre and hand-painted art that depicted and featured people and wildlife. Her younger relation, Sheree Inkamala, is an emerging sculptural textile and print artist.

Their designs embody the Yarrenyty Arltere Artists style, an Aboriginal-owned and run art centre in Mparntwe (Alice Springs), renowned for its colourful and playful soft sculptures, works on paper, textiles and film.

Annabell Amagula’s (Anindilyakwa people) (b. 1965) representation of Country, culture and sustainability in her Ghost Net Bag and Dress (2020) highlights technical skill and intricate detail in several layers of craft.

Amagula’s dress and bag make use of fair-trade silk, a handwoven ghost net, and recycled miners’ high-vis uniforms.

The silk pattern depicts an existing image of Amagula’s ghost net crab sculpture, which has been repeated and digitally printed. A recycled miner’s uniform is used to edge the dress and, along with the ghost net, construct and shape the bag.

Amagula is a senior artist from Groote Eylandt in the Northern Territory and a member of Anindilyakwa Arts, whose family has significantly assisted her in the art of paint and bag creation.

Always was, always will be

Clothing The Gaps’ iconic Power Tee boldly incorporates the Aboriginal flag colours and features the historically significant message “Always Was, Always Will Be”, a powerful acknowledgement that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are the rightful custodians of this land and sovereignty was never ceded.

Clothing The Gaps is a majority Aboriginal-owned social enterprise located in Victoria, co-founded by Laura Thompson (Gunditjmara people) and Sarah Sheridan. The organisation designs wearable clothing for First Nations peoples and allies and uses colours and slogans to highlight the profoundly important themes impacting First Nations people.

Ethically made in Australia on Wurundjeri Country, Victoria, their clothes embody wearable activism, which calls for and influences social change.

Paul McCann’s (Marrithiyel people) (b. 1984) Sovereignty Never Ceded Gown and Suit (2023) speaks to the trauma and resilience of First Nations people and the importance of sovereignty and self-determination.

As a commissioned set for the 2023 Melbourne Fashion Festival, McCann’s gown features cream satin, blue organza and gold hand-painted designs. The black vintage suit is adorned with blue and gold hand-painted motifs.

A fashion design graduate, McCann was inspired by his grandmother’s vintage outfits and his family’s cultural stories and art. His design ethos is that of culture and glamour and he often adds hand-painted art and embellishments to garments and jewellery that tell stories of tradition and Country.

These four works of art and fashion have multiple interwoven messages, themes and creative practices. Some are wildly colourful, while others are subdued. Some represent contemporary graphics, while others traditional art. Some overtly speak to sovereignty, while others are subtle in their message.

Their commonality advocates and showcases culture, craft, sustainability and a desire for truth-telling.

This essay was originally published in the Radical Textiles publication from the Art Gallery of South Australia and is republished with permission. Läs mer…

Friday essay: artists, radicals, ratbags: Melbourne’s lost 1950s bohemian hub, the Swanston Family hotel

1950s Melbourne hosted an exciting bohemian scene, one that championed unconventional thinking. Within that community there was a general disregard for social norms and traditions. This artistic counterculture, full of intellectual freethinkers and early feminists, was particular to Melbourne, and can be seen in the various places where artistic and literary types thrived.

My parents, Leonard (Len) French and Helen French (née Bald), were swept up in Melbourne’s bohemia during the first flush of their relationship. Both were at the beginning of their careers; he was an aspiring artist and she a fledgling fashion designer.

The Melbourne of their twenties lives on in my imagination through their stories of gathering at the Swanston Family Hotel, frequenting the new city cafes, going to parties in photographers’ studios in Collins Street, watching foreign films at the Savoy, and discovering wonderful secondhand bookstalls in the area around the Flagstaff Gardens.

They would remember mid-century Melbourne as incredibly exciting, full of possibilities, and I have come to think of this period that way as well. The heart of any city is the places that are significant to the people within it.

Finding a tribe

The Swanston Family Hotel is where my father found his tribe. Len went there for a decade from the age of 17. The hotel was on the north-west corner of Swanston and Little Bourke streets, at 233 Swanston Street. A photograph taken in 1911 shows it as a three-storey building flanked by a tearoom and leather workshop, with a private entrance in Little Bourke Street.

Swanston Family Hotel Melbourne c.1911; photographer Darge, Algernon, 1881–1941.
State Library of Victoria

The hotel was a favoured haunt for radicals, intellectuals and artistic types for over three decades – from the 1920s to when it was knocked down in 1959.

The pub’s reputation for being a home for alternative culture is upheld by its patrons’ comments – most of whom, my father included, referred to it simply as “The Swanston Family”. Perhaps that said something about the community they found there, where they bantered with peers about art, life, politics and ideas.

It was the closest thing local artists had to a communal hub. My father was drawn to it; he developed quite a reputation as a raconteur, holding court with all who’d listen. This often caused him to be late, much to the chagrin of my mother who spent many cold and uncomfortable hours waiting for him in front of the Melbourne Town Hall, only to have to rush off in high heels to a party or event, sometimes miles away.

My father described the Swanston Family to biographer Reg MacDonald as the antipodean version of cafe society. The other pub favoured by bohemian artists and intellectuals was The Mitre Tavern at 5–9 Bank Place. The Mitre was modelled after an English pub. Built in 1867 it is one of the city’s oldest buildings. When the Swanston Family closed, many of its patrons moved on to The Mitre, which is still there today.

The Mitre Tavern, 1940.
Mitre Tavern website

In filmmaker Tim Burstall’s memoir he notes that women, Germaine Greer among them, frequented the Swanston Family Hotel, which would have been illegal at the time. This unusual situation was also mentioned in a conversation between broadcaster and journalist Phillip Adams and author Alex Ettling.

Ettling recalled that artist Noel Counihan, who was at the National Gallery of Victoria’s art school in the 1930s, had made special arrangements with the hotel to bring in female friends and run up a tab. Given accounts of women in the public bar in the 1950s, that practice appears to have continued. It’s most likely there weren’t enough women to attract police attention (mind you, my mother described the hotel as men only).

Many of the regulars at the Swanston Family were workers in the city – journalists or academics from Melbourne University, and artists from the Working Men’s College (renamed Royal Melbourne Technical College in 1954, and RMIT University in 1992), where my father went. Initially he had been an apprentice sign-writer, then one day – while at RMIT for sign-writing classes – he dropped his drawings on the stairs at the exact moment the head of art, Victor Greenhalgh, descended.

As my father’s story goes, Greenhalgh helped him pick the drawings up and, impressed, invited Len to join his art class. Len replied that he’d like nothing better but couldn’t afford it. Greenhalgh offered him a free place and soon Len was going to art classes every night. Whether this was serendipitous, or contrived, we will never know.

Len went on to teach typographical design and lithography for two years from 1955. His successful career as an artist is history. Although he regarded himself as a painter, and wanted to be remembered as such, he is most well-known for the spectacular ceiling of the Great Hall at the National Gallery of Victoria: the largest glass ceiling in the world.

The Great Hall at the National Gallery of Victoria.
© Leonard French

My father’s alma mater became my own, where I achieved my PhD and, like him, went on to teach. I think of this sometimes while walking along RMIT’s Bowen Lane, or approaching Building Six, where the art school has long resided. What kind of a teacher was he? Was he patient with students like he always was when teaching me?

In 1957, aged only 29, Len French became the exhibition officer at the National Gallery of Victoria and was able to influence the direction of its collections. He continued drinking at the Swanston Family until it closed in 1959, resigning from the gallery the next year in 1960.

Public Bar, Noel Counihan, c.1939.
Courtesy of Mick Counihan

Cultural mavericks

The scene at the Swanston Family has been vividly captured by many. Barry Humphries told The Sydney Morning Herald,

the noise was deafening, but the atmosphere was heady and as I stood in that packed throng of artists’ models, academics, alkies, radio actors, poofs and ratbags, drinking large quantities of cold beer, I felt as though my true personality was coming into focus.

People were the great attraction. All human life met there in a chaotic, crowded, and lively swill. Patrons included artists Clifton Pugh, Charles Blackman, John Perceval, George Johnson, Arthur and David Boyd; authors Frank Hardy and Alan Marshall; and journalists such as Clive Turnbull. Visitors from interstate and overseas would join the throng when in town.

Art historian, critic, and academic Bernard Smith described it as “the major social centre for Melbourne’s radical intelligentsia”; historian and author Manning Clark said it was the “best university” he’d ever attended.

Humphries refers to the Swanston Family in his essay Arthur Boyd: A life as a vile den that smelt of beer, urine and cigarette smoke. He met Boyd there. Patrons included “card-carrying alcoholics” and “academic tosspots”. According to Humphries, the exhilarating throng motivated his journey of self-discovery.

Another ritual of Melbourne’s bohemian set was to travel to Eltham on Friday nights, when the Swanston Family closed – to the area around Montsalvat Artist Community. There they continued drinking and carousing. This was known as “The Drift”, a title Humphries says was bestowed by Eltham resident, Burstall. In his diaries, held at the State Library of Victoria, there are accounts of the filmmaker drinking there alongside notes on who he met and what they did.

Germaine Greer was a member of The Drift during her undergraduate education in Melbourne and later intimately involved in “The Push” in Sydney. Comparisons have been drawn between these two subcultures, but there were distinct differences. According to Greer’s 2013 biographer Christine Wallace,

The Drift and The Push had a lot, and little, in common. Both groups flouted conventional standards of behaviour; their members were sexually freewheeling and dismissive of the social mores. The Drift was heavy with visual artists while, when it came to fine arts, most members of The Push had the aesthetic instincts of a barstool.

Germaine Greer, pictured in 1972, was an early member of ‘The Drift’.
AP

The Push was a left-wing libertarian group that operated around Sydney’s pub culture from the 1940s to 1970s. “Push” pubs welcomed women, as the Swanston Family did. Many Push members were people who came to work in the film industry and at its periphery (Margaret Fink, John Flaus, Eva Cox and David Perry from the avant-garde film group Ubu); well-known individuals who would have contributed to the understanding of The Push as an intellectual subculture of critical drinkers that included Robert Hughes, Clive James and Frank Moorhouse. The Push was strongly influenced by the University of Sydney and University of New South Wales, as well as trade unionists and the left.

Both The Drift and The Push championed a culture of free love. According to Steph – a Push member interviewed by granddaughter Lauren Lancaster in the University of Sydney student newspaper Honi Soit, whose surname is unrecorded – most members were men, so free love was an easy sell.

Steph described the culture as “chauvinistic”. One didn’t want to go against the ethos, she said, because if you objected you were bourgeois. But it was the women who were left with any unwanted pregnancies or the consequences of backyard abortions. The men bore no responsibility.

The Drift pushed boundaries and set the climate for the swinging 60s – although the 50s were swinging if you were in the right place! These fringe countercultures were precursors for an era that saw significant social, political and cultural change and activism – including the women’s movement, which was gaining momentum, anti-Vietnam war protests, and long overdue campaigns for Indigenous rights.

233 Swanston, June 2024.
Lisa French

At the heart of it all was the city, and The Swanston Family, where Melbourne’s artistic and intellectual traditions met and matured. It was a melting pot for intellectual and aesthetic interests in an exciting exchange of ideas at a critical time in the history of our city. I think about this as I travel past that corner where the hotel once stood.

Gone now is any sign of all that went before, except for an original sewer vent – (now even that has been remodelled).

Melbourne-Sydney divide

In her biography of Greer, Untamed Shrew, Christine Wallace has described how Greer found The Drift completely different from The Push. There was a difference in their concerns – each was influenced by the individuals and distinctive social, cultural, and intellectual contexts of the two very different cities. In Melbourne, the conversations were about art, truth and beauty. Members of The Drift would argue with the person instead of addressing the argument’s merit.

Whether or not my parents interacted with The Drift I do not know, but certainly they knew many of the players, and much, much later I came to know some of them as well.

The differences between The Drift and The Push align with the well-known Melbourne–Sydney divide that has long been observed in sport, politics, fashion and art. As academic Mervyn Bendle observed in Quadrant, these movements are significant to any understanding of the intellectual traditions and milieus of each city. Bendle used historian Manning Clark’s article Faith (1962) to explain Victoria’s willingness to embrace a long period of Marxist socialism under former premier Daniel Andrews and his predecessors.

Clark situates Melbourne’s radicals as attracted to Karl Marx and ideas of collectivism and the all-powerful state, while Sydney’s lent towards Friedrich Nietzsche’s suspicion of the state and advocacy for individualism.

If one takes this idea for a walk, it leads to the idea that Melbourne’s intellectual life – which matured in bohemian venues such as the Swanston Family – drew on the struggle between different socioeconomic classes, anti-capitalism, alienation from products of labour, and communism. All of which position Melbourne as socialist, inclined towards regulation by the state, and interested in uplift through culture.

Six o’clock swill

Between 1915 and 1966 in Melbourne the pubs closed at 6pm. Wartime austerity and the temperance movement were to blame. Patrons responded by ordering as many drinks as they could before publicans stopped serving, which likely encouraged the rowdy behaviour and excessive drinking it was supposed to control.

According to my father, who by all accounts was one of the Swanston Family’s most frequent patrons, when the hotel closed all the men would spill onto the street, taking their glasses with them.

Many would cross the road and urinate on the corrugated iron fence on the other side. A lot of pubs were tiled on the outside to protect against this practice, but the Swanston Family was not. My father told me that the man who owned the fence opposite grew tired of the antics of Swanston Family patrons and one day electrified the fence. Dad observed drolly that he was lucky he did not need to piss that night!

The public bar was upstairs at the Swanston Family; downstairs was a meals area my mother Helen has described – with some emphasis – as “the passion pit”. She said the public bar was very small. The larger dining area underneath had a sign on the door: “Men will be accompanied by women”. Men weren’t allowed to enter without one (a kind of reverse sexism!).

I have a photograph of my parents in the passion pit, looking very young and stylish. In my mind’s eye they are like Elizabeth Taylor and Richard Burton. Their relationship was similarly stormy and volatile, Len and Helen were glamorous, handsome, charismatic, chic and very much “about town” in the early 1950s.

Doug Craig, on left, Helen French (née Bald) and artist Leonard French, c 1952 at the Swanston Hotel.
Lisa French, Author provided (no reuse)

On the left of the photograph is their friend, Doug Craig, who appears not to want to join in the image-making. Perhaps he is conscious of being an interloper? My father engages the camera directly; my mother’s demeanour is demure – although she wasn’t. Burstall describes her in his memoirs as my father’s “black panther mistress”; did he mean feminine power, sensuality, danger? Was she a femme fatale?

She is described from Burstall’s diary, published as Memoirs of a Young Bastard, as “a really good looker … In her early twenties raven haired, with flashing, dark brown, nearly black, eyes”.

It might seem strange that they appear to be drinking coffee in a bar – see the cups on the table – but licensing laws did not allow wine with meals in Victoria until the 1960s. Other couples are dimly reflected in the mirror behind them. Dad has a cigarette holder. Has he just been having a drag of hers? Cigarette holders were common for women, but it is quite a feminine gesture for a man in the 1950s – although there were famous men, such as Ian Fleming, Peter O’Toole and Tennessee Williams, who used them.

My father wasn’t feminine, but he liked to dress well. He didn’t want anyone to think he was “a bum”. In an account of the Swanston Family, in his essay on Arthur Boyd, Humphries recalls my father being mocked for wearing a new suit and describes that mockery as “malicious”.

It appears he had empathy for Len. My father certainly didn’t see himself as “a dandy”; I can imagine that as a young man making his way in the world such things might burn a sensitive and developing sense of self. Humphries’ colourful, exuberant, counter-cultural emergence would have been similarly in flux at that time: he was a bit younger than my father and was an unknown Dadaist Street performer. Anne Pender describes him as “the most daring student prankster Melbourne University had ever known”.

Read more:
Remembering Barry Humphries, the man who enriched the culture, reimagined the one man show and upended the cultural cringe

Spinsters’ rights

The Swanston Family Hotel was one of many in Melbourne to have female publicans but in the 1950s only married women were allowed to hold a licence. As historian Claire Wright observed in Beyond the Ladies Lounge, Mrs E. E. Mitchell of the Swanston Family Hotel lobbied with a group of female publicans for unmarried women to also be approved in the profession, challenging the liquor act restrictions.

The Melbourne Herald ran a story in September 1940: “Women Hotel Licensees Defend Spinsters’ Rights”. It was a pragmatic response to the capacities of women in business, not overtly a feminist campaign. One might speculate that the reasoning for allowing women to be publicans in the first place was sexist, likely rooted in a concept Anne Summers later describes as women being “God’s police”; good moral guardians.

Nevertheless, from the female publican’s advocacy for equity, we can discern a potential explanation as to why the Swanston Family had a welcoming stance towards women. Being a hotelier was one place women could be in business. In this regard that industry was more progressive than some other parts of society at the time. In a photograph taken in 1948 of these female publicans they look powerful, confident and not a group of women I would want to mess with!

Female publicans photographed at the Licenced Vinters Association Ball, Bendigo, in 1948.
Author provided, CC BY

Cafe culture

As the 1950s progressed, a new cafe society emerged in Melbourne. Cafes became as important as pubs for the bohemian set, enabling women to join. Most notable was Mirka’s Cafe in Exhibition Street (opening in 1954), and Pellegrini’s Espresso Bar (opening in 1954) and The Legend Cafe (opening in 1955) in Bourke Street. Each played an important role in the city’s counterculture. Many of the same people who met at the Swanston Family also frequented these cafes.

The Legend Cafe.
Photo courtesy I. A. Nicolades and L. French, from the ’In Their Own Image: Greek-Australians’ National Project Archives, Sydney

The Legend Cafe was established on the site of the former Anglo–American Cafe by that proprietor’s grandson, Ion Nicolades. He modernised the business, though kept a milk bar attached on one side, and renamed it The Legend. Nicolades approached up-and-coming designer and sculptor Clement (Clem) Meadmore to design the interiors. Meadmore then introduced Nicolades to my father Len, whose first commission was a series of murals for the premises.

The cafe’s name would come from the title of that mural: The Legend of Sinbad the Sailor (1956). There are seven bold, modernist panels, just as there were seven epic voyages of Sinbad. That myth comes from the 18th and 19th century, when Arab and Muslim sailors explored the world and the story of Sinbad worked its way into culture, describing the monsters and magic of his adventures.

The Legend of Sinbad the Sailor by Leonard French.
Photo courtesy of Marcus Bunyan

Conversations between artists at the Swanston Family and elsewhere at the time often turned to experimentation. The artists were frequently poor, as there were few avenues to make money from their art, which led to great improvisation with materials. They shunned the traditional methods of the art establishment and embraced a DIY attitude using cheaper materials and a younger generation of artists were influenced by this trend.

Artist Gareth Sansom said that the Legend coffee shop mural based on Sinbad the Sailor had an enormous influence on him:

after seeing it in 1958, and the Melbourne University swimming pool mural, I raced home and started using my father’s Dulux house paint on Masonite … and my first exhibition featured some of those early experiments with paint … [French] was gruff and confrontational and talked like a Harold Pinter script – but always exciting, and an art star before Whiteley.

The Legend was featured in an exhibition at the Ian Potter Museum (2018–2019), and some artefacts are held in galleries – the National Gallery of Victoria has a “milk bar chair” from the cafe. While artists such as Fred Williams and Arthur Boyd went to The Legend in the mid-1950s, as my father did, for free pasta and a growing friendship with Nicolades, it was more a fashionable location than a truly bohemian haunt.

Perhaps the avant-garde had already begun to disperse.

This is an edited version of a chapter in the book Composite City, Arcade Publications. Läs mer…