Författare: Richard Hargy Visiting Research Fellow in International Stud

The US vice-presidency is famously rather dull and mostly frustrating, according to some of the people who have taken on the role.

“I do not propose to be buried until I am dead,” Daniel Webster is believed to have said, after turning down the vice presidency in 1839. “I would a great deal rather be anything, say professor of history, than vice president,” said Theodore Roosevelt, just before taking the job.

J.D. Vance, the current vice-president, appears to have little intention of sitting back in the shadows while waiting for his chance at the top job. Instead, the former marine turned politician is rapidly turning into Donald Trump’s high-profile attack dog.

His aggressive questioning of Ukraine’s president Volodymyr Zelensky in a televised press conference at the White House on February 28, switched the tone of the whole event from uncomfortable to disastrous.

“Offer some words of appreciation for the United States of America … and the president of the United States of America, who is trying to save your country,” Vance said to Zelensky, before pushing the Ukrainian president to respond.

The press conference, which had been set up to sign a US-Ukraine mineral deal, descended into chaos, and ended with Donald Trump deciding that he was not prepared to go ahead, and Zelensky was not ready.

The New York Times White House correspondent Michael Shear described the astonishing spectacle of a vice-president inserting himself into a tense diplomatic melee as both a sign of Vance’s “media savvy”, as well as his desire to not be “relegated to the B-team” and a determination not to be in the shadow of Elon Musk.

It also demonstrated Vance’s awareness of something Trump expects from all subordinates: being publicly defended by them.

Steadfast loyalty to Trump is a non-negotiable prerequisite. As Dartmouth College professor, Russell Muirhead, and Harvard professor emerita, Nancy L. Roenblum, have said: “Trump’s problem is not that he requires loyalty to his agenda … It is that he demands personal loyalty.”

Vance understands this, which has been evidenced in acts such as publicly backing Trump’s argument that his executive power should not be challenged by the courts. On X, the vice-president argued that, “Judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.”

J.D. Vance on his role in the Zelensky press conference.

Tough on allies

On the foreign policy front, the vice-president has also come out fighting, and showing his willingness to be Trump’s rottweiler in all arenas. Last month in Munich Vance used a speech to reprimand the continent’s leaders for stepping away from fundamental values by suppressing free speech.

Vance went on to criticise the US’s European allies some days later when he called out a UK-France plan for European troops to guarantee peace in Ukraine, stating the proposal was unworkable and could not be guaranteed by “some random country that hasn’t fought a war in 30 or 40 years”.

A key advantage that Vance enjoys over his Republican predecessor, Mike Pence, is that he does not have to navigate between the Republican establishment and Maga factions of the party. Both these worlds have coalesced around Trump. Vance is also considered, like Trump, to be a spokesperson for Maga values.

Where did Vance come from?

Only a few years ago, however, Vance was far from a Trump loyalist. In 2016 he referred to Trump as “cultural heroin” and worried he could be “America’s Hitler”.

Vance, 40, is the third youngest vice-president in US history. In his 2016 best-selling biography, Hillbilly Elegy, Vance told of his difficult upbringing in Ohio and Kentucky as well as offering his own personal insight into the struggles facing impoverished white working-class people. Vance’s memoir made him a coveted analyst during the first Trump administration to explain the president’s appeal to these communities.

Vance appears in lockstep with Trump on almost all foreign policy issues, particularly Ukraine, and his pro-Russia position. Even before his election to the Senate in 2022, Vance had made known his opposition to US aid to the country in support of its military campaign against Russia. In a podcast interview he said, “I’ve got to be honest with you. I don’t really care what happens to Ukraine one way or the other.”

One area of difference could be with his position on the western military alliance. In his address to the Munich Security Conference Vance said: “I don’t think that we should pull out of NATO, and no, I don’t think that we should abandon Europe. But yes, I think that we should pivot.”

It is unclear if the same can be said of Donald Trump. Germany’s new chancellor-in-waiting, Friedrich Merz, issued a blunt warning: “We must prepare for the possibility that Donald Trump will no longer uphold NATO’s mutual defence commitment unconditionally”.

John Bolton, a former National Security Advisor to Trump, believes the current commander-in-chief is shifting the goalposts on what he demands from fellow Nato members relating to defence spending and by setting targets that few European states can meet.

In the early weeks of this second Trump administration, Vance has sought to remain a loyal subordinate and someone who will “reinforce (Trump’s) hard-right agenda”, according to Elaine Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, a research non-profit.

Just over four weeks into his new role, however, Vance has yet to secure the total endorsement from his boss to be his heir apparent. During an interview on Fox News on February 10, when asked if he viewed Vance as his inevitable successor in 2028, Trump responded: “No, but he’s very capable.”

The clearly ambitious Vance knows the next four years could make or break his ability to get the top job, and right now he is betting that his attack-dog status could help win him that role. Läs mer…