Ukraine recap: big challenges ahead of winter for Zelensky as European far-right push Russian agenda

It’s not long to winter, and this is going to be another tough one for Ukrainians. The war continues, but allied support is fraying. This week Antony Blinken, US secretary of state, and British foreign secretary David Lammy made a joint visit to Kyiv, after holding a joint press conference in London. Blinken spoke of their “resolute support” for Ukraine faced with ongoing Russian aggression, and Lammy said it was a critical moment for supporting Ukraine as we enter the third winter of the war.

Allied restrictions on Kyiv’s use of long-range weaponry was an important topic for the Ukrainian leader to discuss with Lammy and Blinken. Kyiv is currently restricted to using allied supplied arms to attacks on the Russian military in occupied Ukraine, rather than in Russia itself. The pressure on Ukraine is relentless. In the days before Lammy and Blinken arrived there were increased drone attacks on Ukrainian cities, including on Lviv near the Polish border.

The US and the UK are two of the more committed backers for Volodymyr Zelensky at this stage of the ongoing conflict. But there’s rising opposition in some European nations, including in France and Germany, where far-right parties have proposed a more pro-Putin position.

In recent German state elections the far-right AfD party and the left-wing Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance both did well, while arguing against German support for Ukraine, and a more pro-Russia position from Berlin. Their electoral success is putting pressure on the German government to moderate its backing for Ukraine. And there have already been some signs that German chancellor Olaf Scholz might be moving away from his previous position on Ukraine. The demand to support Russia, over Ukraine, is particularly strong in eastern Germany, which formed part of the Soviet bloc until 1989.

Other political parties in nations which were once part of the Soviet bloc also want to stop further aid to Ukraine and argue for positions closer to Russia. Hungary’s prime minister Viktor Orbán spent months trying to block billions of euros of EU aid to Ukraine, before the other 26 EU leaders forced it through. Meanwhile, political leaders in Slovakia, Georgia and Azerbaijan (all former Soviet bloc nations) are edging closer to Russia.

This movement is undoubtedly a growing headache for Zelensky as he faces stark choices and a desperate need for support in the months ahead. Stefan Woolf delves into the expansion of the pro-Putin movement in former Soviet bloc countries and sees them as a sign of Europe, and indeed the world, in upheaval and where democratic values are being undermined.

Read more:
Pro-Putin movement expands across the former Soviet bloc – here’s why

This is our weekly recap of expert analysis of the Ukraine conflict.
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Another major concern for Zelensky is the result of the US election, where despite Kamala Harris’s decent showing at the recent Democratic National Convention and on the recent television head-to-head with Donald Trump, the polls are still showing a very close contest.

Natasha Lindstaedt, a government and populism specialist from Essex University, felt that some of Harris’s winning shots in the debate were on foreign policy. Trump, the Republican candidate, has made it quite clear during the campaign that he doesn’t think US aid to Ukraine should continue at the same scale, if at all. He claims that he would be able to sort out a peace treaty between Russia and Ukraine in a matter of hours. This kind of talk is a huge threat to Zelensky who has relied on US aid to help him defend his country, but will also hear Trump’s hints that the “peace settlement” would mean Ukraine giving up some of its territory to Russia.

All of this background is part of the reason why Ukraine’s troops recently moved into the Kursk region, potentially giving Kyiv some Russian land to negotiate with. Currently, Zelenksy has no idea if Trump will be elected. The US polls continue to suggest the result is very tight.

Read more:
How Harris used the first TV debate to put Trump on the defensive

Vladimir Putin’s response to Ukraine’s incursion into Russia’s Kursk region is unexpected for some. He has played down the invasion, and his message to the Russian people is that everything is under control. Jenny Mathers, an international politics expert at Aberystwyth University, believes he has deliberately missed an obvious opportunity to label Ukraine’s August 6 surprise offensive as the modern day equivalent to Operation Barbarossa, the second world war attack on Russia by the Nazis in 1941. Given Putin’s regular use of historical misinformation to magnify his version of why the Ukraine war was necessary, this might be a surprising choice for some observers.

Russia sees the Arctic as a military centre.

Mathers believes that Putin has played down the Kursk invasion because he doesn’t want to frighten ordinary Russians further, and because he knows that many Russians oppose the war and don’t want to pursue the same military goals that he does. He promised them an almost-instant occupation of Ukraine, and the reality is a three-year war that shows no sign of ending. So would a rallying cry from Putin based on the Ukraine invasion into Russian territory produce more volunteers for the front line? Mathers believes it would not.

Read more:
Why Putin has resisted using Ukraine’s Kursk offensive to call for greater Russian sacrifices

Meanwhile, there are signs that Russia’s military domination of the Arctic, and its use as a military centre for attacks on Ukraine, is starting to be eroded. A recent Ukrainian drone attack on the Olenya airbase south of Murmansk, shows they can now be reached by the latest technology, and the west has now started to respond to Russian military strength in the region. Meanwhile, western sanctions are undermining Russia’s ability to sell its LNG from its two Arctic centres. Russian plans to use the Arctic to fuel its war in Ukraine are being undermined, as Stefan Woolf details.

Read more:
How the west is foiling Russia’s attempts to use the Arctic in the Ukraine war

On the other side of the world, there are machinations that reverberate in Ukraine as well as the US, because as is so often the case the consequences of what happens in one nation is not confined to its shores. When the White House discovered a massive Russian disinformation plot to undermine the US election, US attorney general Merrick Garland said Russia was looking to create its “preferred outcome” in the upcoming presidential election, and to create pressure on US public support for military aid to Ukraine.

As Open University’s Precious Chatterje-Doody, an expert in disinformation, shows this is not the first time Russia has attempted to create a wave of disinformation with the potential to undermine an election. She describes five techniques that are well used by the Kremlin’s propaganda team. These include creating fake websites that mimic local news and working with local influencers, who may not know about the connection to Russian money, but whose views align with Russian objectives, such as undermining public trust in US media.

Read more:
Five disinformation tactics Russia is using to try to influence the US election

In the rest of the world

Outside the frame of the Ukraine war, another issue we’ve been looking at this week is the economic (and societal) cost of keeping millions of women out of the workplace in the Gulf states, or restricting their opportunities. Many Gulf countries still limit the role of women, for instance requiring male permission to launch certain businesses or even to get married, while societal expectations may promote women staying at home and not working. Women often attract significantly lower salaries than men.

Amr Saber Algarhi and Konstantinos Lagos, both economists from Sheffield Hallam University, say some things are changing. Bahrain and Qatar now allow women to be judges and Saudi Arabia lifted its ban on women driving in 2019. Women now make up the majority of university students in Gulf. The authors argue that there’s more to be done to widen opportunities for women in the region, and this will also benefit the local economies.

Read more:
There are 13 million women ’missing’ in Gulf states – here’s why it is holding their economies back

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Ukraine recap: drone warfare brings new phase to battlefront

Like many people, I first encountered drones when they looked like toys, something fun to play with and be entertained by. Not long afterwards I was waiting for a boat on my commute to work, and a drone hovered overhead, not far above me, and with no sign of an operator. I remember thinking this was a bit more ominous.

What if drones started following us, a sort of unbolted security camera without restrictions, that could record whatever we did? A few years ago many of us were unaware of drones, now they are a regular sight. And they are far more threatening than we first thought.

Drone technology has been developing fast and furiously during the Ukraine war, as Marcel Plichta from the University of St Andrews explains.

Russian and Ukrainian military forces have stepped up drone attacks over the past few weeks, causing significant damage and loss of life. And the technology is updating constantly. Both sides have been using one-way drones, also called kamikaze drones because they are designed to fly to a target and not come back.

This type of drone is an escalating threat not just in the Ukraine war, but in other skirmishes. They can be developed relatively cheaply in bulk, and can be used with precision to aim at targets hundreds of miles away. Armed forces around the world are now being forced to rethink their strategies because of how fast and accurate these drones are, and what they are seeing of the destruction they have caused in the Ukraine war so far.

Volodymyr Zelensky is looking at how he can use the resources he has to greatest effect, and drones have been a big part of that plan. Ukraine has been able to construct its own drones, enabling it to use them to target Russian territory, in a way it is not allowed to do with military hardware supplied by its allies. Allies, including the US, restrict Kyiv from using any arms it supplied to use on Russian-occupied Ukraine, rather than in Russia itself.

Read more:
How drone attacks are changing the rules and the costs of the Ukraine war

Questionable allies

These restrictions on use continue to be a major headache for Zelensky, as does the question of who will take over the US presidency after the election in November, as professor of international politics David Dunn of the University of Birmingham details. If Donald Trump wins, US support for Ukraine is likely to be severely reduced, as the Republican candidate has made clear. Trump has stated that he will be looking for a peace treaty with Russia, which is not likely to include Russia returning currently occupied sections of Ukrainian territory.

Consequently, Zelensky has moved his military over the Russian border into Kursk, in a bid to hold on to some Russian territory. This enables Zelensky to have something to trade if Trump is elected and forces a sit-down negotiation with Russia.

Since Vladimir Putin sent his war machine into Ukraine on February 24 2022, The Conversation has called upon some of the leading experts in international security, geopolitics and military tactics to help our readers understand the big issues. You can also subscribe to our fortnightly recap of expert analysis of the conflict in Ukraine.

Kamala Harris, the Democratic nominee, has started to outline her foreign policy plans, and they would include continuing to support Ukraine, and sticking with Biden’s internationalist approach. To some extent Vladimir Putin may have been betting on a Trump victory, and a US withdrawal of good will for Kyiv. A Harris victory is good news for Zelenksy, and may force Putin closer to the negotiating table.

Read more:
Ukraine war: US military support for Kyiv has been very cautious – here’s how a Harris presidency could change that

Walking the line

Zelensky is looking to extend his alliances all the time. And the recent visit of India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, may have given him hope that India may be leaning in his direction. Modi was the first Indian head of state to visit Ukraine since it became independent 30 years ago.

But, according to Stefan Wolff, professor of international security at the University of Birmingham, this visit shows that Modi is trying to keep both Moscow and Kyiv onside. India is currently Russia’s biggest oil buyer, but is also an active member of the security group the Quad, made up of Japan, the US, Australia and India, which is intent on offsetting China’s influence in the Indo-Pacific. Modi therefore wants a strong relationship with Putin, while not upsetting western allies which support Ukraine. He is walking the line.

Read more:
Ukraine war: away from the battlefield the diplomatic wrangling hots up with Modi visit to Kyiv

History buffs often point to parallels between a current event and something that has happened in the past. I am often glued to BBC’s Radio 4 The Long View, hosted by Jonathan Freeland, which brilliantly spotlights a moment from the past, be it a credit crunch or an anti-vax protest, that feels uncannily similar to something that is just unrolling on the news.

Historian Patrick Doyle, a lecturer at Royal Holloway University of London, sets out how the Confederate states ran their conscription policy during the US civil war, and the pitfalls of setting up exemptions that allow the rich or influential to avoid being drafted (which the Confederacy did).

His point being that Ukraine’s leadership could risk losing public support for the war effort if the conscription policy is considered unequal or unfair. Ukraine has recently reduced the age when people can be drafted from 27 to 25, and officials are now being sent out to look for those avoiding military service.

Read more:
Conscription laws passed during the US civil war offered exemptions – are there lessons for Ukraine today?

With historic parallels in mind, Olivera Simic, associate professor in law at Griffith University, has reviewed a new book, Repeat: A Warning from History, which suggests we are at risk of creating the same problems, and wars, again and again.

Read more:
If something can happen once, it can happen again – Dennis Glover’s reading of history sounds an alarm about the present

The book reminds us that in wars “millions more were left behind, haunted by the memories and ghosts of those they once loved”, and that any war casts a shadow over the generations that follow, leaving them dealing with its physical and mental trauma.

However, the article suggests that if readers could imagine the horror of war happening to them they would do more to to act with full force to stop it. History suggests ignoring wars has never made them go away.

Jonathan Este is on holiday.

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