A 1930s’ movement wanted to merge the US, Canada and Greenland. Here’s why it has modern resonances

A movement that wanted to merge North America into one nation and extend its borders as far as the Panama Canal might sound incredibly familiar. But this group, called the “technocracy movement”, was a group of 1930s nonconformists with big ideas about how to rearrange US society. They proposed a vision that would get rid of waste and make North America highly productive by using technology and science.

The Technocrats, sometimes also called Technocracy Inc, proposed merging Canada, Greenland, Mexico, the US and parts of central America into a single continental unit. This they called a “Technate”. It was to be governed by technocratic principles, rather than by national borders and traditional political divisions.

These ideas seem to resonate with some recent statements from the Trump administration about merging the US with Canada. Meanwhile, the US Department of Government Efficiency (Doge) set up by Trump and led by tech billionaire Elon Musk, has also outlined a vision of efficiency cuts by slashing bureaucracy, jobs and getting rid of leaders of organisations and civil servants he thinks are advancing “woke” values (such as diversity initiatives). This slash-and-burn approach also fits with some of the ideas of the Technocrats.

In February, Musk said: “We really have here rule of the bureaucracy as opposed to rule of the people — democracy”. The Technocrats viewed elected politicians as incompetent. They advocated replacing them with experts in science and engineering, who would “objectively” manage resources for the benefit of society.

“The people voted for major government reform, and that’s what the people are going to get,” Musk told reporters after visiting the White House last month.

What did the Technocrats want to get rid of?

The 1930s’ movement was an educational and research organisation that advocated for a fundamental reorganisation of political, social and economic structures in the US and Canada. It drew on a book called Technocracy published in 1921 by an engineer called Walter Henry Smyth, which captured new ideas about management and science.

The movement gained significant attention during the Great Depression, a period of mass unemployment and economic problems lasting from 1929 to 1939. This was a time when widespread economic failures prompted radical ideas for systemic change. Technocracy appealed to those who saw technological advancements as a potential solution to economic inefficiency and inequality.

The Technocrats gained traction largely due to the work of Howard Scott, an engineer and economist, along with a group of engineers and academics from Columbia University. In 1932, Scott founded the Technical Alliance, which later evolved into Technocracy Inc.

Scott and his followers held lectures, published pamphlets and attracted a significant following, particularly among engineers, scientists and progressive thinkers. The movement may have influenced the design of future concepts such as planned communities and economies using more automation.

The movement’s ideological foundation was built on the belief that industrial production and distribution should be managed scientifically. Advocates argued that traditional economic systems such as capitalism and socialism were inefficient and prone to corruption, but that a scientifically planned economy could ensure abundance, stability and fairness.

An image from the Cornell University collection on the Technocracy movement.
Cornell University – PJ Mode Collection of Persuasive Cartography

In the 1930s, members of Technocracy Inc sought to replace market-based economies and political governance with a system where experts made decisions based on data, efficiency and technological feasibility. Technocrats aimed to regulate consumption and production based on energy efficiency, rather than market forces.

Technocrats also believed that mechanisation and automation could eliminate much of the need for human labour, reducing work hours while maintaining productivity. Goods and services would be distributed based on scientific calculations of need and sustainability.

While the movement saw rapid growth in the early 1930s, it quickly lost momentum by the mid-to-late 1930s. Echoing some of the concerns of contemporary Americans, critics feared that a government run by unelected experts would lead to a form of authoritarian rule, where decisions were made without public input or democratic oversight.

Technocracy reborn?

But are we seeing a rebirth of some of these kinds of ideas in 2025? Musk has a familial connection with the movement, so is likely to be aware of it. His maternal grandfather, Joshua N. Haldeman was a notable figure in the technocracy movement in Canada during the 1930s and 1940s.

Musk’s ventures, such as the electric car giant Tesla, his space programme SpaceX, and neurotechnology company Neuralink prioritise innovation and automation, which aligns with the Technocrats’ vision of optimising human civilisation through scientific and technological means.

Tesla’s push for autonomous vehicles powered by renewable energy, for instance, chime with the movement’s early aspirations for an energy-efficient, machine-managed society. Additionally, SpaceX’s ambition to colonise Mars reflects the belief that technological ingenuity can overcome the limitations of living on Earth.

What Trump would disagree with

There are some significant differences between the current US government and the Technocrats, however. Musk’s approach to commerce remains firmly embedded in the free market.

His ventures thrive on competition and private enterprise rather than that of centralised, expert-led planning. And while the Technocrats believed in the abolition of money, wages and traditional forms of trade, the Trump administration clearly doesn’t.

Trump believes that politicians like him should run the country, along with partners such as Musk. Technocrats worried about elected politicians being driven by self-interest, but the current US administration seems to value mixing business interests with government decisions.

Although the technocracy movement never became a dominant force, its ideas influenced later discussions on topics such as scientific management and economic planning. The concept of data-driven governance championed by the Technocracy movement is part of modern planning, especially in areas like energy efficiency and urban planning.

The rise of AI and big data has reignited discussions about the role (and reach) of technocracy in modern society. In countries including Singapore and China governance is dominated by departments headed by those with technological backgrounds, who gain an elite status.

In the 1930s, the Technocrats faced significant criticism. The unions, more powerful than today, were almost entirely supportive of the progressive New Deal and its protection of workers’ rights, rather than the Technocrats. The US public’s resurgent belief in the US government during the New Deal era was far greater than today’s declining support in its political institutions, so those institutions would have been better equipped to resist challenges than they are today.

The technocracy movement of the 1930s may have faded, but its central ideas continue to shape contemporary debates about the intersection of technology and governmental planning. And, possibly, who should be in charge. Läs mer…

The US has lifted its intelligence sharing pause with Ukraine. But the damage may already be done

There has been a great deal of speculation about whether Elon Musk might deny Ukraine access to his satellite network system, Starlink – and what might happen if he did.

Musk fuelled talk of a possible shutdown when he posted recently that: “My Starlink system is the backbone of the Ukrainian army. Their entire front line would collapse if I turned it off.”

He later denied that he would ever do so or use the satellites as a bargaining chip. But along with the temporary US pause in some military intelligence sharing (which is now due to be lifted), the suggestion may have contributed to the pressure on Ukraine to agree to the US ceasefire plan, which the two countries have now put to Russia.

The episode has certainly demonstrated the danger posed when there is an overreliance on a system that is largely controlled by private sector players who can refuse access whenever it suits them, and a intelligence provider that has arguably become an unreliable ally.

Since the beginning of the conflict in 2022, Starlink has been a vital component of Ukraine’s defence capability. As well as providing communication for troops where there is no mobile coverage, Starlink is used on the Ukrainian frontline as part of its drone command and control system.

If Musk were to remove its services, then Ukraine’s ability to challenge for control of the air would be severely damaged.

Ukraine’s dependence on Starlink shows a degree of strategic naivety. While Kyiv would have certainly expected US support to continue after Donald Trump’s election, it should arguably have taken steps to diversify its sources of technological support.

This is what Polish foreign minister, Radoslaw Sikorski, was implying when he responded to Elon Musk’s original post by suggesting that Ukraine should seek alternatives to Starlink. After this incident, shares in French-owned satellite company Eutelsat, a European rival to Starlink have rocketed by almost 400%.

The removal of access to Imint (image-based intelligence), provided by the US company Maxar, would also affect Ukraine’s surveillance capability of Russian troop movements and the damage caused by Ukrainian attacks. That’s vital for tactical level decision making. That said, the US, while being the main provider of Imint to Ukraine, is unlikely to be the sole supplier.

The state of the conflict in Ukraine, March 10 2025.
Institute for the Study of War

One of the challenges may be how far western nations other than the US are willing and able to provide these sources of intelligence in the wake of the decisions being made in the White House.

Certainly, Ukraine can look to other nations for support in protecting its critical infrastructure networks from cyberattacks. Estonia, Latvia and the Netherlands could replace the technological support that Ukraine receives from the US.

Read more:
Europe may struggle to replace the military intelligence that Ukraine needs – but it has key strengths

Fighting blind

The Ukrainian public fears the casualties that further limitations on intelligence sharing could cause. But the recent pause is likely to have had a greater impact at the strategic level rather than at the tactical level.

Russia has become bolder in its efforts to make further inroads into Ukraine. The prospect of a potential ceasefire combined with the very public reduction in American support for Ukraine has given Russia greater motivation to push forward.

Further Russian territorial gains will give it greater bargaining power in any negotiations. Trump announced last month that he felt Ukraine will have to cede Ukrainian sovereign territory to Russia as part of any peace deal. This has recently been confirmed by the US secretary of state, Marco Rubio.

Further military successes, whether Russian advances in Ukraine or the seemingly inevitable pushback of the Ukrainian counter in Kursk, will result in greater diplomatic leverage for Putin.

Of course, now that Ukraine has agreed to a 30-day ceasefire the path is open to even more serious peace talks. But the episode illustrates how vulnerable Ukraine, or any smaller nation, is to a larger power’s aggression or bullying.

Five eyes, one blinking?

There are wider implications too. The limitation of US intelligence sharing with Ukraine will also have placed greater strain on the Five Eyes alliance. This intelligence-sharing network comprising the US, the UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, has come under scrutiny recently.

According to media reports last month, White House official Peter Navarro, a close advisor to Donald Trump, called for Canada to be removed from the alliance (although Navarro has since denied this). Whether this is related to Trump’s suggestion that he would like to annex Canada is unclear.

Canada aside, Washington’s allies must be raising questions about America’s reliability as a security partner. They are willing to share their intelligence because of the inherent level of trust that has – at least until now – existed within the group.

But Trump’s recent actions and pronouncements could have caused severe damage to this level of trust. The apparent transactional nature of the White House in foreign affairs, combined with a willingness to leverage the sheer power of the United States, will continue to erode the trust of what were until recently the closest of allies.

Both Canada and the UK have publicly declared their willingness to continue their support of Ukraine in its attempts to repel the Russian invasion, despite the stance of the Trump administration.

The UK’s prime minister, Keir Starmer, is seemingly managing to walk the tightrope in maintaining an amicable relationship with both the US and Europe, for now.

But his prolonged support for Ukraine could jeopardise not just the UK’s relationship with the US but the future of the Five Eyes alliance. This seems to be the new reality that Europe is going to have to accept and work within – in the short-term, at least. Läs mer…